4 مارچ 2009 - Still reeling from the Israeli massacres in the occupied Gaza Strip, Palestinians have lately had little to celebrate. So the strong start to intra-Palestinian reconciliation talks in د قاهرې last week provided a glimmer of hope.
له یوې خوا د مقاومت او د ټاکل شوي خو په نړیواله کچه بایکاټ شوي حماس حکومت او له بلې خوا د لویدیځ تر ملاتړ لاندې فتح ډلې تر منځ د اختلافاتو پای ته رسیدل. خو دا ښه احساس ناڅاپه وروسته له هغه پای ته ورسېد چې د متحده ایالاتو د بهرنیو چارو وزیرې هیلري کلینټن، د اروپایي اتحادیې لوړپوړي استازي جاویر سولانا او د فتح مشر محمود عباس چې د فلسطین د ادارې د مشر په توګه یې دوره پای ته ورسیده د همغږي برید په څیر ښکاري. ۹ جنوري.
د جمعې په ورځ د فبرورۍ په ۲۷ مه د فلسطین د ۱۳ ډلو مشرانو، چې د حماس او فتح په منځ کې عمده دي، اعلان وکړ چې دوی د پخلاینې لپاره یو چوکاټ جوړ کړی دی. د مصر د ځواکمن استخباراتو د مشر عمر سلیمان په مشرۍ په خبرو اترو کې، فلسطینیانو د "ملي یووالي حکومت" په جوړولو، د فلسطین د ازادۍ سازمان (PLO) کې د اصلاحاتو په اړه د بحث لپاره کمیټې جوړې کړې ترڅو ټولې ډلې شاملې کړي، مقننه او ولسمشریزې ټاکنې، په غیر سیاسي اساس د امنیتي ځواکونو بیا تنظیم کول. ، او یوه رهبري ډله چې د ټولو ډلو مشران پکې شامل دي. د خوشالۍ په حالت کې، خبرې اترې د مارچ تر 27 پورې وځنډول شوې.
Then the blows began to strike the fragile Palestinian body politic. The first came from کلنټن just before she boarded her plane to attend a summit in the Egyptian resort of Sharm al-Sheikh ostensibly about pledging billions in aid to rebuild د غزې.
کلنټن was asked by Voice of America (VOA) whether she was encouraged by the د قاهرې unity talks. She responded that in any reconciliation or "move toward a unified [Palestinian] Authority," Hamas must be bound by "the conditions that have been set forth by the Quartet," the self-appointed group comprising representatives of the US, EU, UN and Russia. These conditions, کلنټن stated, require that Hamas "must renounce violence, recognize اسراییل, and abide by previous commitments." Otherwise, the secretary warned, "I don’t think it will result in the kind of positive step forward either for the Palestinian people or as a vehicle for a reinvigorated effort to obtain peace that leads to a Palestinian state."
The next strikes came from Ramallah. With the EU’s top diplomat Solana standing next to him, Abbas insisted that any national unity government would have to adhere to the "two-state vision" and abide by "international conditions and signed agreements." He then demanded that د غزې reconstruction aid be channeled exclusively through the Western-backed, but financially bankrupt and politically depleted PA. Solana affirmed, "I would like to insist in agreement with [Abbas] that the mechanism used to deploy the money is the one that represents the Palestinian Authority." Solana fully endorsed the campaign waged by Abbas ever since the destruction of Gaza that the PA, plagued by endemic corruption, and which only pays salaries of workers deemed politically loyal, be in sole charge of the funds, rather than neutral international organizations as Hamas and others have suggested.
Was the Sharm al-Sheikh summit then really about helping the people of د غزې or was it about exploiting their suffering to continue the long war against Hamas by other means? Indeed, کلنټن had already confirmed the politicization of reconstruction aid when she told VOA, "We want to strengthen a Palestinian partner willing to accept the conditions outlined by the Quartet," and, "our aid dollars will flow based on these principles."
Hamas warned that Clinton’s and Abbas’s statements set Palestinian reconciliation efforts back to square one. "Hamas will not recognize اسراییل or the Quartet’s conditions," said one spokesman Ismail Radwan, while another, Ayman Taha, said Hamas would "reject any preconditions in the formation of the unity government." Khaled Meshal, head of the movement’s political bureau, insisted that the basis for national unity must remain "protecting the resistance and the rights of the Palestinian people."
دا ډول څرګندونې به خامخا د حماس د افراطي، متعصب او سولې ضد په توګه د انځورولو لپاره وکارول شي. په هرصورت، د سولې په پروسه کې د ښکیل لوري د غوښتنې څخه نور څه معقول کیدی شي چې ځان د تاوتریخوالي پریښودو، خپل دښمن وپیژني او د پخوانیو توافقاتو مراعات وکړي؟ ستونزه دا ده چې د کوارټېټ شرایط د دې لپاره جوړ شوي چې د فلسطین د څو معاملې چپسونه له مینځه یوسي او د اسراییلو د پرله پسې نیواک، استعمار، کلابندۍ او وسله والو بریدونو په وړاندې یې بې دفاع کړي.
None of the Western diplomats imposing conditions on Hamas have demanded that اسراییل renounce its aggressive violence. Indeed, as Amnesty International reported on 20 February, the weapons Israel used to kill, wound and incinerate 7,000 persons in Gaza, half of them women and children, were largely supplied by Western countries, mainly the US. In a vivid illustration, Amnesty reported that its field researchers "found fragments and components from munitions used by the Israeli army — including many that are US-made — littering school playgrounds, in hospitals and in people’s homes."
For Palestinians to "renounce violence" under these conditions is to renounce the right to self-defense, something no occupied people can do. Palestinians will certainly note that while Abbas stands impotently by, neither the US nor the EU have rushed to the defense of the peaceful, unarmed Palestinians shot at daily by Israeli occupation forces as they try to protect their land from seizure in the West Bank. Nor has Abbas’ renunciation of resistance helped the 1,500 residents in the ختیځ ختیځ neighborhood of Silwan whose homes Israeli occupation authorities recently confirmed their intention to demolish in order to make way for a Jewish-themed park. A cessation of violence must be mutual, total and reciprocal — something Hamas has repeatedly offered and اسراییل has stubbornly rejected.
While Israeli violence is tolerated or applauded, اسراییل‘s leaders are not held to any political preconditions. Prime minister-designate Benjamin Netanyahu emphatically rejects a sovereign Palestinian state and — like his predecessors — rejects all other Palestinian rights enshrined in international law and UN resolutions. When told to stop building illegal settlements on occupied land, اسراییل responds simply that this is a matter for negotiation and to prove the point it revealed plans in February to add thousands of Jewish-only homes to its لویدیځ بانک استعمار
بیا هم د څلور اړخیز استازي ټوني بلیر، د الجزیرې انټرنیشنل لخوا د مارچ په لومړۍ نیټه وپوښتل شول چې د هغه باداران به څنګه د یو رد کونکي اسراییلي حکومت سره معامله وکړي، وویل، "موږ باید د هغه چا سره کار وکړو چې د اسراییلو خلک ټاکي، راځئ چې دا ازموینه وکړو، یوازې دا فکر مه کوئ چې دا به یې وټاکي." کار نه کوي." پرته له دې چې فلسطینیان یو ټیټ نسل وګڼل شي، ورته منطق باید د دوی ټاکل شوي مشرانو ته پلي شي، مګر دوی ته هیڅکله فرصت نه دی ورکړل شوی.
It is ludicrous to demand that the stateless Palestinian people unconditionally recognize the legitimacy of the entity that dispossessed them and occupies them, that itself has no declared borders and that continues to violently expand its territory at their expense. If Palestinians are ever to recognize اسراییل in any form, that can only be an outcome of negotiations in which Palestinian rights are fully recognized, not a precondition for them.
د تیر کال په جریان کې US election campaign, کلنټن claimed she helped bring peace to شمالي آئرلین during her husband’s administration. Yet the conditions she now imposes on Hamas are exactly like those that the British long imposed on the Irish nationalist party Sinn Fein, thereby blocking peace negotiations. President Bill Clinton — against strenuous British objections — helped overturn these obstacles by among other things granting a US visa to Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams, whose party the British once demonized as Israel now demonizes Hamas. Like Tony Blair, who as British prime minister first authorized public talks with Sinn Fein, Hillary Clinton knows that the negotiations in ایرلینډ could not have succeeded if any party had been forced to submit to the political preconditions of its adversaries.
د نوبل د سولې جایزې ګټونکي جان هیوم او د اسراییلو د بهرنیو چارو پخواني وزیر شلومو بین امی په ګډون د برتانیې او آیرلنډ د سولې پخوانیو مذاکره کوونکو د فبرورۍ په ۲۶مه په یوه لیک کې چې دوی په ګډه لاسلیک کړي، ورته ټکي ورکړي دي. د ټایمز of د لندن. "Whether we like it or not," the letter states, "Hamas will not go away. Since its victory in democratic elections in 2006, Hamas has sustained its support in Palestinian society despite attempts to destroy it through economic blockades, political boycotts and military incursions." The signatories called for engagement with the movement, affirming that "The Quartet conditions imposed on Hamas set an unworkable threshold from which to commence negotiations."
هغه څوک چې د سولې غوښتونکي دي باید دې مشورې ته پام وکړي. دوی باید فلسطینیانو ته اجازه ورکړي چې له بهرنۍ لاسوهنې او تورونو پرته ملي اجماع جوړه کړي. دوی باید د دیموکراتیکو واکونو درناوی وکړي. دوی باید په کمزوري اړخ باندې د غیر عادلانه شرایطو له لګولو څخه ډډه وکړي پداسې حال کې چې د ځواکمن د سرغړونې له ویرې ویره لري، او دوی باید د سیاسي لاس وهنې او تخریب لپاره د بشري مرستو ناوړه ګټه اخیستنه ودروي.
There are many in the region who were encouraged by US President Barack Obama’s appointment of former شمالي آئرلین mediator Senator George Mitchell as د منځني ختیځ envoy. But in all other respects the new president has continued the Bush administration’s disastrous policies. It is not too late to change course, for persisting in these errors will guarantee only more failure and bloodshed.
Hasan Abu Nimah is the former permanent representative of اردن په ملګرو ملتونو کې.
د الکترونیکي انتفادې شریک بنسټ ایښودونکی، علي ابونیمه لیکوال دی یو هیواد: د اسراییل او فلسطین د کړکیچ پای ته رسولو لپاره یو زړور وړاندیز (میټروپولیټین کتابونه، 2006).
ZNetwork یوازې د خپلو لوستونکو د سخاوت له لارې تمویل کیږي.
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