Febrúar 19, 2008, in a message to his compatriots, Fidel Castro officially announced that he would not seek a new presidential term of office. It was, without a doubt, an announcement of supreme historic importance. After being Prime Minister for almost 18 years (February 1959- January 1976) and President of the Republic from December 2, 1976 to July 31, 2006, the most famous revolutionary leader of the twentieth century retired from official political life four days before the elections, which would designate the members of the Council of State and the Council of Ministers and its president (1).
Ástæður fyrir þessari ákvörðun
Heilsuástand Fidels Castro skýrir þessa ákvörðun að miklu leyti. Auk þess lagði hann áherslu á nauðsyn þess að „sálfræðilega og pólitískt“ undirbúi kúbversku þjóðina fyrir fjarveru hans. Það var, að hans sögn, „fyrsta skylda“ hans. Af þessum ástæðum tilkynnti hann kúbversku þjóðinni um ósk sína. „Til nánustu samlanda mínum, sem veitti mér þann mikla heiður að velja mig nýlega sem þingmann […], segi ég ykkur að ég mun ekki þrá eða samþykkja – ég endurtek – ég mun ekki þrá eða þiggja embættið forseta ríkisráðs og æðsti yfirmaður. (2)
Kúbu leiðtogi var skýr í þessu máli. „Ég myndi svíkja samvisku mína til að gegna stöðu sem krefst hreyfanleika og algerrar vígslu, sem ég er líkamlega ekki í neinu ástandi til að bjóða […]. Búðu þig alltaf undir versta möguleika. Að vera jafn varkár í velgengni og staðfastur í mótlæti er meginregla sem má ekki gleyma,“ sagði hann. (3)
This decision, is logical since Fidel Castro, in a letter dated Desember 17, 2007, had already shown his wish of not “hanging on to positions” and “being consistent until the end.” (4) The Cuban population received the news without surprise, calmly and tranquilly, but also with certain sadness as shown at several demonstrations of support and solidarity with their leader in the capital and throughout the country. (5) “Many people are sad today,” reported the Associated Press. “Cuba greeted Castro’s resignation Tuesday with a calm that was stunning […].It was like any other day Enginn virtist vera hræddur við skyndilegar truflanir - og því síður algjört hrun - sósíalistakerfisins,“ bætti bandaríska fréttastofan við. (6)
Reactions in the Bandaríkin
Með tilliti til Bandaríkin, the “meddlesome” comments have multiplied and, as usual, were filled with a whiff of colonialism. President Bush stated that “the international community needs to work with the Cuban people to begin to construct the necessary institutions for democracy.” Republican presidential candidate Arizona Senator John McCain stressed the need “to pressure the Cuban regime.”(7)
Even Democratic candidate Hillary Clinton, showed her inability to distance herself from the White House’s obsolete policy. “We need a president who works with the world’s countries, with Europe, with the Western Hemisphere to pressure Cuba"(8)
Connecticut‘s Democrat Senator Christopher Dodd, launched a call to reason: “The U.S. embargo on Cuba is one of the most ineffective and retrograde foreign policies in history. Today, the Bandaríkin finally has an opportunity to begin again. Republican Congressman from Arizona, Jeff Flake, publically supported “a new approach towards Cuba við US government.”(9)
The same day as Fidel Castro’s official announcement, 104 US Congressional members out of a total of 435, sent an open letter to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice demanding a “tough-minded review” of Washington’s policy towards Cuba. “After 50 years, it is time for us to think and act anew.” The signers stressed the absolute lack of results. “For five decades, US policy has tried economic sanctions and diplomatic isolation to force changes in Cuba‘s government. The orderly succession shows that the policy has not worked.”(10)
En John Negroponte, aðstoðarutanríkisráðherra, krafðist þess afdráttarlaust að anachronistic and inhumane economic sanctions on Cuba would not be lifted and that the hostile policy towards Cuba would continues its course. (11)
These words illustrate Washington’s inability to accept the reality of a sovereign and independent Cuba. In a cruel, desperate and counterproductive manner, the Bandaríkin shows no mercy toward a small, Þriðja heimurinn country that refuses to bow down, without admitting that its state of siege strategy which has been applied for half a century is a spectacular failure.
Evrópuviðbrögð
European Union countries did not show wisdom, repeating Washington’s rhetoric and forgetting that Havana does not accept any interference in its internal affairs. French Prime Minister François Fillon demanded “evolution of the Cuban regime towards democracy.”(12) The British minister of Foreign Relations launched a call for “greater respect for human rights” and broader political and economic reforms. In Brussels, Javier Solana, high representative for the Foreign Policy and Common Security of the European Union, also alluded to a “process of democratic transition.”(13) The president of the European Parliament, Hans-Gert Poettering, adopted the same speech. (14)
Jafnvel spánn, which supported improving relations and dialogue with Havana, could not avoid saying unacceptable and offensive words for the Cubans. The Spanish Ambassador in Washington, Carlos Westendorp, said about the subject: “We can have disagreements with Cuban communities and with our friends in the Bandaríkin with respect to the relation with Cuba, but they are more tactics than strategies.”(15)
The stated objective of Washington is to return Cuba to its neocolonial status, as the Torricelli Law of 1992 and the Helms Burton Act of 1996 show, as well as the Commission for Assistance for a Free Cuba’s two reports of 2004 and 2006. (16) To state that Madrid pursues the same objective is no more than a moral disgrace and a cowardly policy.
Ítalía, although it favors the elimination of the political and diplomatic sanctions as well as the illegitimate Common Position that Europe imposes on Cuba, was no more inspired, although it had a more constructive focus. Donato De Santo, aðstoðarutanríkisráðherra Rómönsku Ameríku, vísaði einnig til „lýðræðislegra umskipta“ og „virðingar fyrir mannréttindum“ (17)
The nations of the Old World showed their complete inability to adopt a pragmatic policy, independent of US influence with respect to Cuba. The arrogance and presumption were obvious. Það skal minnt á það Brussels showed an absolute lack of moral legitimacy in lecturing Cuba about democracy and human rights, which Amnesty International’s annual reports showed. (18) But it is difficult for the Gamli heimurinn to free itself from feeling superior which characterizes them.
Reactions from Latin America and the Þriðja heimurinn
In Latin America, the reactions were different. Evo Morales of Bolivia said that it would continue to have excellent relations with Cuba. “It is about a relationship of state to state, of government to government, which does not depend on a single person.”(19)
Forseti Brasilíu, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, gaf til kynna að „ferlið þróaðist rólega […]. Ég ber djúpa virðingu fyrir kúbversku þjóðinni og ég trúi því að þeir séu pólitískasta fólkið í heiminum […]. Hver þjóð velur sína pólitísku stjórn og við ætlum að leyfa Kúbumönnum að ákveða hvað þeir vilja gera. Kúbverjar hafa þroska til að leysa vandamál sín.“ (20) Lula minntist líka: „Fidel er eina lifandi goðsögnin í mannkynssögunni. (21)
Mexíkósk stjórnvöld greindu frá „þeirra ósk um að halda áfram að halda áfram í ferlinu, sem hófst fyrir nokkrum mánuðum, sem miðar að því að endurreisa virðingarverð og gagnkvæm samskipti fyrir Mexíkó og Kúbu,“ og bætti við að „í ljósi mikilvægis sambandsins við Kúbu fyrir Mexíkó. , mun Mexíkósk stjórnvöld halda áfram að fylgjast með pólitískum atburðum á þessu nýja tímabili í sögu Kúbu, með fullri virðingu fyrir sjálfsákvörðunarrétti og vilja kúbversku þjóðarinnar.“ (22)
Chile og Guatemala also welcomed Fidel Castro’s decision. Guatemalan President, Álvaro Colom stated that it would not affect in any way the “full and excellent relations with Cuba.” (23) Secretary General of the Organization of American States (OAS), José Miguel Insulza, insisted on the fact that Cuba is a sovereign nation. “The Cubans themselves must be the ones who, through open and peaceful dialogue, and without external interference, find the most appropriate road for the well-being of their people. (24)
Hugo Chávez, forseti Venesúela, sagði fyrir sitt leyti að Fidel Castro „mun alltaf vera í framvarðasveitinni þar sem menn eins og Fidel hætta aldrei. Leiðtogi Bólivíu bætti við: „Kúbverska þjóðin hefur sýnt heiminum, og umfram allt heimsveldinu, að kúbverska byltingin er ekki háð einni manneskju, hópi eða aðstæðum. (25)
In Suður-Afríka, the governing National African Congress (NAC), offered homage to the Cuban leader describing him as a “living legend.” “The Cuban people, under the leadership of President Castro, got involved in the freedom of the oppressed people of Africa, specifically South Africa, stressed the NAC statement, recalling that close to 300,000 Cuban soldiers contributed to the independence of Angola and the fall of apartheid. “Not only have they contributed to the transformation of our country, but they have continued supporting our reconstruction and development efforts, sending their doctors.” Numerous leaders of the world also welcomed Fidel Castro’s decision and showed their solidarity with Cuba. (26)
The Cuban people discovered the integrity of the global reactions disseminated during the Febrúar 20, 2008 Mesa Redonda television program. Its sensibilities were only offended, as always, when it was about their independence before the contempt of some western countries, unable to understand that only language based on respect, reciprocity and non-interference in internal matters is heard by the Cubans.
Að tala um umbreytingarferlið væri alvarleg villa. Kúbverjar vilja á engan hátt snúa aftur til markaðshagkerfis sem væri samheiti yfir árás gegn félagslegum landvinningum þeirra og fullveldi. Í raun og veru snýst þetta um ferli byltingarkenndrar samfellu, djúpar rætur í hjarta kúbversks samfélags og án efa óafturkræfar.
Þeir í Bandaríkin and Western Europe who thought that the Cubans would receive the news of Fidel Castro’s retirement joyfully completely ignore the realities of Cuba today. The great majority of the population professes affection, admiration and infinite respect for their political, historical, moral and spiritual leader. On the other hand, if the Cubans have more or less accepted the fact that Fidel Castro does not wish to aspire to the presidency of the Republic, they categorically deny that he gave up tign hans sem yfirmaður.
Cuba is not sensitive to pressure or blackmail and even less to threats. The revolutionary government will not accept any demand from Washington eða úr Vestur-Evrópu. This reality has to be understood by those who try to decide Cuba’s destiny instead of the Cubans themselves.
Beyond any ideological consideration, it should be recognized that Fidel Castro has made it possible for José Martí’s country to win its independence and its liberty, that it could acquire a level of human development similar to the most advanced countries and that it could enjoy international prestige outside of what is common in the Þriðja heimurinn. Because of that, the Cubans will be eternally grateful to him.
Skýringar
(1) Fidel Castro Ruz, «Mensaje del Comandante en Jefe», Granma, 19. febrúar 2008.
(2) Sama.
(3) Sama.
(4) Fidel Castro Ruz, «Carta de Fidel a la Mesa Redonda», 17,2007. desember XNUMX.
(5) The author is in Havana.
(6) Will Weissert, «Castro Retirement Managed From Start», Associated Press, febrúar 19, 2008.
(7) The Associated Press, «Washington Quotes on Castro. U.S. Government Reactions to Cuban President Fidel Castro’s Resignation Monday», febrúar 19, 2008.
(8) Associated Press/El Nuevo Herald, «Washington ve a Raúl Castro como un 'dictador lite'», 19. febrúar, 2008.
(9) The Associated Press, «Washington Quotes on Castro. U.S. Government Reactions to Cuban President Fidel Castro’s Resignation Monday», op. cit.
(10) Agence France Presse, «Des parlementaires américains exigent un changement de politique envers Cuba», 19. febrúar 2008; Agence France Presse, «US Lawmakers Urge Review of Cuba Policy», 19. febrúar, 2008.
(11) The Associated Press, «US Says It Won’t Lift Cuba Embargo», febrúar 19, 2008.
(12) Agence France Presse, «Fillon: la 'vraie question' pour Cuba est celle de la démocratie», 19. febrúar 2008.
(13) Associated Press/El Nuevo Herald, «Bush: Salida de Castro debe ser inicio de transición», 19. febrúar, 2008.
(14) Wilfredo Cancio Isla, «El fin de una era», El Nuevo Herald, 19. febrúar 2008.
(15) Wilfredo Cancio Isla, «España favorece diálogo abierto con La Habana», El Nuevo Herald, 19. febrúar 2008.
(16) Salim Lamrani, Fidel Castro, Cuba et les Etats-Unis (Pantin: Le Temps des Cerises, 2006), IV. kafli.
(17) Associated Press/El Nuevo Herald, «Expectativa mundial por renuncia de Fidel Castro», 19. febrúar 2008.
(18) Amnesty International, 2007 skýrsla.
(19) Associated Press/El Nuevo Herald, «Expectativa mundial por renuncia de Fidel Castro», op. cit.
(20) Sama.
(21) Liberation, «Des appels à davantage de démocratie à Cuba», 20. febrúar 2008.
(22) Associated Press/El Nuevo Herald, «Expectativa mundial por renuncia de Fidel Castro», op. cit.
(23) Sama.
(24) Gerardo Reyes, «Sorpresa y dudas en América Latina por renuncia de Castro», El Nuevo Herald, 20. febrúar 2008.
(25) Agencia Bolivariana de Noticias, «Chávez: Fidel no renuncia, siempre estará en la vanguardia», 19. febrúar 2008.
(26) Granma, «Personalidades mundiales elogian altura política de Fidel», 21. febrúar 2008.
Salim Lamrani er prófessor, rithöfundur og franskur blaðamaður sem sérhæfir sig í samskiptum Bandaríkjanna og Kúbu. Hann hefur gefið út eftirfarandi titla: Washington contre Cuba (Pantin: Le Temps des Cerises, 2005), Cuba face à l'Empire (Genève: Timeli, 2006) og Fidel Castro, Cuba et les Etats-Unis (Pantin: Le Temps des Cerises, 2006). Nýjasta bók hans heitir Double Morale. Kúba, l'Union européenne et les droits de l'homme (Paris: Editions Estrella, 2008).
Hafðu: [netvarið]
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Translated by Dana Lubow 3-10-08
Ritstjóri Robert Sandels
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