Sumber: Jaringan Buruh untuk Keberlanjutan
Foto oleh Dario.Outside/Shutterstock
Since the end of the feudal era the world order has been largely structured by the nation-state system. Individuals have been willing to kill and die for their countries. The pursuit of individual and collective interests has occurred largely within a national framework.
Meskipun demikian, gerakan sosial dan politik sering kali melampaui batas-batas negara dan menyatakan solidaritas yang melampaui batas-batas tersebut. Masyarakat sering kali bergabung dalam gerakan sosial yang mewujudkan prinsip dan praktik solidaritas. Dan gerakan-gerakan ini seringkali melintasi batas-batas negara.
Beberapa contoh sejarah:
- “Zaman Revolusi Demokrasi” antara tahun 1760 dan 1800 menyaksikan orang-orang di banyak negara berpartisipasi dalam pemberontakan dan gerakan untuk membangun kendali rakyat atas negara. Meskipun gerakan-gerakan ini menganjurkan kemerdekaan nasional, terdapat solidaritas yang luas dan saling mendukung di antara mereka.
- Gerakan abolisionis internasional menyebar ke seluruh Eropa dan Amerika, menghapuskan perbudakan di sebagian besar negara besar, dan akhirnya menjadikan perbudakan sebagai kejahatan di seluruh dunia.
- Bangkitnya gerakan buruh dan sosialis pada abad ke-19 dan ke-20 mencerminkan solidaritas lintas batas negara. Sejak awal berdirinya, Asosiasi Pekerja Internasional (Internasional Pertama) mengirimkan uang, mencetak selebaran, dan mengorganisir boikot untuk mendukung para pekerja yang terlibat dalam perkelahian di negara-negara di seluruh Eropa.
- The nuclear disarmament movement of the 1950s and 1960s spread all over the world, penetrating the supposedly impenetrable “iron curtain,” establishing its independence from both Cold War “blocs,” and ultimately helping bring about a ban on nuclear testing and an 80% reduction in strategic weapons.
- In the 1960s, the movement against the Vietnam War spread around the world, challenged the countries that had allied with the US in its war against Vietnam, and eventually contributed to the crisis in US policy that led to the withdrawal of US troops from Vietnam.
- Gerakan Pembebasan Perempuan, yang tumbuh dari diskusi dalam Gerakan Hak-Hak Sipil, hadir untuk menentang ketidaksetaraan gender di setiap negara dan bidang kehidupan di seluruh dunia.
- Gerakan lingkungan hidup menyebar dengan cepat pada akhir tahun 1960an. Konsep ekologi yang mendasari saling ketergantungan semua bentuk kehidupan berkembang dari absurditas ke akal sehat, dan undang-undang lingkungan hidup menjadi norma global. Karakter global dari gerakan ini ditunjukkan pada Hari Bumi tahunan, yang mana puluhan juta orang berpartisipasi di berbagai negara di seluruh dunia.
- The February 2003 protests against the US attack on Iraq drew in 15 million people for demonstrations around the world, described by the New York Timesas a reminder that “there may still be two superpowers on the planet: the United States and world public opinion.”
- Gerakan keadilan global mengoordinasikan tindakan di seluruh dunia dan menghentikan upaya pembentukan “tatanan dunia baru” di bawah Organisasi Perdagangan Dunia pada Pertempuran Seattle tahun 1999.
- Occupy Wall Street, which began as a sleep-in of a few hundred people in a New York City park, quickly became a worldwide movement with occupations in scores of countries. Its 2011 Day of Action was joined by rallies in more than 1,000 cities in eighty-two countries.
- The climate movement has from the outset been global—like the global warming it contests. The student-initiated 2019 Global Climate Strike, for example, brought together 7.6 million participants in 6,000 events in 185 countries.
- When Black Lives Matter protests swept across the US after the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis on May 25, 2020, hundreds of thousands of people in London, Sydney, Cape Town, Rio de Janeiro, Stockholm, Tokyo, and many other locatons in many countries took to the streets in solidarity.
Each of these examples illustrates the globalization of human solidarity. Why, despite the dominance of the nation-state framework, do movements arise in which solidarity transgresses nation-state boundaries?
Pelestarian Umum
Di dunia di mana “penjagaan diri” sering dianggap sebagai “hukum pertama kehidupan,” solidaritas adalah suatu bentuk tindakan di mana saling membantu berfungsi sebagai sarana untuk mewujudkan kepentingan individu. Solidaritas adalah praktik mengejar tujuan individu dengan mewujudkan tujuan bersama dan bersama.
The process by which solidarity emerges is what, echoing the seventeenth-century Digger Gerrard Winstanley, I call “common preservation.” Common preservation is the process by which people shift from strategies based on greed and self-aggrandizement to strategies that pursue self-interest by promoting common interests.
Solidarity and common preservation are likely to emerge where people discover that they are powerless to realize their ends by themselves, but that they may be able to do so by cooperation with others.
New common preservations and solidarities generally develop when people are presented a common threat or problem that can’t be solved by individuals and limited groups. They experience the necessity to build new solidarities that cross national and other boundaries. This doesn’t happen automatically, but through an active process of constructing links among people and groups who have been isolated, divided, and even antagonistic.
Such movements have repeatedly transcended national borders and established transnational cooperation, loyalty, and solidarity. But they have not yet transmuted the nations and the nation-state system that prevent global human cooperation to address global problems like climate change, nuclear holocaust, and injustice.
Pemberontakan Iklim
How can nation-states be not only penetrated by global forces, but also have their most destructive aspects metamorphosed by them?
Consider today’s most urgent and devastating threat: climate change.
The nation-state system has helped cause and perpetuate climate destruction. National sovereignty gives states the authority to determine what can or cannot be emitted into the atmosphere in their territories; it is states that authorize the emission of climate-destroying greenhouse gas emissions. The sovereignty of nations ensures that common human interests are trumped by the authority of states—allowing governments to destroy the global atmospheric commons without restraint from higher authority or their people. The system of sovereign nation-states generates a competition in which each state must encourage the exploitation of nature’s resources or face loss of power and wealth within the competitive world order. The direct and indirect dependence of states and their officials on dominant economic actors—notably, industries that produce and use fossil fuels—often makes governments subordinate to those with an interest in perpetuating climate destruction.
To overcome these limitations, the climate movement needs to become what I have called a global nonviolent constitutional insurgency.
Pemberontakan adalah gerakan sosial, namun merupakan gerakan yang bersifat khusus: mereka menolak klaim penguasa saat ini atas otoritas yang sah. Pemberontakan sering kali berkembang dari gerakan-gerakan yang awalnya tidak memberikan tantangan terhadap otoritas yang sudah mapan, namun akhirnya menyimpulkan bahwa pemberontakan diperlukan untuk mewujudkan tujuan mereka. Untuk secara efektif melindungi iklim bumi dan masa depan spesies kita, gerakan perlindungan iklim mungkin harus menjadi sebuah pemberontakan.
Pemberontakan tanpa kekerasan menolak dan melawan otoritas negara, namun menghindari kekerasan. Sebaliknya, mereka menjalankan kekuasaan dengan memobilisasi masyarakat untuk melakukan berbagai bentuk aksi massa tanpa kekerasan yang menarik persetujuan dan kerja sama dari kekuatan yang ada.
A constitutional insurgency declares established laws and policies illegitimate and illegal and sets out to establish constitutionally legitimate law through nonviolent self-help. Destruction of the earth’s climate represents a violation of the most fundamental constitutional principles; as federal judge Ann Aiken straightforwardly ruled, “the right to a climate system capable of sustaining human life is fundamental to a free and ordered society.” If established government won’t protect that right, it is up to the people of the world to do so.
Pemberontakan konstitusional global tanpa kekerasan merupakan sarana untuk melemahkan otoritas negara yang tidak sah. Berdasarkan doktrin kepercayaan publik, semua orang mempunyai hak yang tidak boleh dilanggar oleh negara, baik milik mereka sendiri maupun orang lain. Semua umat manusia mempunyai klaim yang sah terhadap semua negara yang merusak iklim yang stabil.
Today, we can see the emergence of climate solidarity all around us. We can see the emergence of new solidarities—self-preservation transformed to common preservation. But our solidarity is still blocked by a world order based on the war of all against all. One way to overcome our thrust to mutual destruction could be to transform the global climate movement into a global climate insurgency.
[1] This Commentary draws on my contribution to the Great Transition Initiative Forum Can Human Solidarity Globalize? The Forum responded to an opening essay by Richard Falk titled “Global Solidarity: Toward a Politics of Impossibility.” The ideas presented in this Commentary are developed more fully in Pelestarian Bersama di Saat Saling Menghancurkan (Oakland: PM Pers, 2021).
ZNetwork didanai semata-mata melalui kemurahan hati para pembacanya.
Menyumbangkan