Mai zuwa shine fadada sigar labarin da aka buga Harkokin Harkokin Kasashen waje a Fax a kan Disamba 29, 2010
A watan Satumban da ya gabata, Sakatariyar Harkokin Wajen Amurka Clinton ta jawo suka gwada Mexico a yau zuwa "Colombia shekaru ashirin da suka wuce" tare da yin kira da a kara himma don yakar fataucin miyagun kwayoyi na Mexico. Yawancin sukar sun yi tambaya ko kwatankwacin ya dace ko kuma ko bayanin ya kasance cin zarafi ne da ba dole ba ne ga abokiyar kawancen Amurka, gwamnatin Mexico ta Felipe Calderón. Amma mafi mahimmancin ɓangaren maganganun Clinton shine yabon da ta yi wa Plan Colombia - babban kunshin taimakon soja wanda mijinta ya fara a 1999 - da ita. dagewa akan buƙatar "gano menene daidai" ga sauran yankuna, musamman Mexico, Amurka ta tsakiya, da Caribbean [1].
Tunanin cewa ya kamata a yi koyi da Shirin Kolombiya a ko'ina yana da ban tsoro ga waɗanda suka san tarihin 'yancin ɗan adam na Colombia, wanda ya kasance mafi muni a Latin Amurka shekaru ashirin da suka gabata. Ché Guevara ya taɓa yin kira ga "biyu, uku, da yawa Vietnam" don kawar da mulkin jari-hujja a cikin duniya ta uku. Kiran Clinton na sake fasalin tsarin Colombia a wasu wurare wasu hanyoyi ne da ba su da ƙarfin hali, domin ita ma tana kira ga wani nau'in sauyi na ƙasa da ƙasa-duk da cewa kusan iri-iri ne masu adawa da juna. A wani bangaren kuma, wannan takardar ba ta zama abin mamaki ba idan aka kafa ta a cikin faffadan manufofin Amurka na kwanan nan game da Latin Amurka.
Samfurin Colombia: Ga Wanene Ya Yi "Aiki"?
A ranar 8 ga Satumbath Hillary Clinton kuma sharhi cewa "akwai matsaloli kuma akwai kurakurai" tare da Plan Colombia, "amma ya yi aiki." Kamar yadda yake tare da kowace manufa, yana da mahimmanci a tambayi ta yaya, kuma ga wanene, ya "aiki"? Kuma idan tsarin Colombia - yana nufin manufofin Amurka game da Colombia a cikin shekaru da dama da suka gabata - ya nuna hangen nesa na gwamnatin Obama ga sauran kasashen Latin Amurka, fahimtar abubuwan da samfurin ya sa gaba da kuma sakamakonsa yana da mahimmanci don tantance fa'idodin yanki.
An fara shirin Colombia a ƙarƙashin Bill Clinton a cikin 1999, biya a matsayin shirin anti-narcotics. Tun daga wannan lokacin farkon da aka bayyana hujjar sama da dala biliyan 5 a cikin taimakon sojojin Amurka da 'yan sanda ga Colombia shine "yaki kan kwayoyi." Matsala ta farko tare da wannan hujja ita ce, ba a taɓa samun wani dalili na yarda cewa shirin ya samo asali ne daga kyakkyawar kulawa ga lafiyar jama'a daga ɓangaren masu tsara manufofin Amurka ba. Akwai ingantacciyar barazana ga lafiyar jama'a amma ba su da ɗan damuwa. Ciwon daji, kiba, cututtukan zuciya, ciwon sukari, da sauran cututtuka kowannensu yana kashe mutane da yawa a kowace shekara fiye da hodar iblis ko jarumta, kuma an san suna da alaƙa da shan taba, samar da abinci na masana'antu, gurɓataccen kamfani, da kwarin gwiwar gwamnatin Amurka ga yawancin mutane. waɗannan ayyuka ta hanyar tallafi, yarjejeniyoyin kasuwanci na ƙasashen waje, da ka'idojin rashin ƙarfi. taba shi kadai ya fi kashe mutane fiye da muggan kwayoyi, barasa, hadurran mota, kisa, da kashe kansa a hade. Kwanan nan binciken ta mujallar likita The Lancet gano cewa barasa yana cutar da mutane da yawa fiye da fasa da tabar heroin [2]. Har zuwa wannan rubutun, har yanzu gwamnatin Amurka ba ta ƙaddamar da yaƙi mai ban haushi kan taba ko yaƙin barasa ba, cike da hukuncin ɗaurin kurkuku na tilas ga masu ƙira, masu amfani, da masu rarrabawa.
Matsala ta biyu tare da hujjar da aka bayyana na "Yaki akan Magunguna" shine cewa sama da shekaru goma na Shirin Kolumbia bai da wani tasiri kan kwararar narcotics cikin Amurka. A cikin 2007 masanin tattalin arziki ɗan Colombia kuma mai fafutukar kare hakkin ɗan adam Héctor Mondragón ya lura cewa "[n] taba masu fataucin kwayoyi suna da iko sosai a Colombia" [3]. Noman Coca na Kolombiya ya canza - alal misali, yana tasowa 27 kashi a cikin 2007 kuma ya ragu 18 kashi shekara mai zuwa. Duk da faɗuwar da aka yi kwanan nan a cikin samar da Colombian, kodayake, a matakin yanki kaɗan ya canza, a wani ɓangare saboda lokutan raguwar samar da Colombian sun yi daidai da haɓaka a wasu wurare kuma akasin haka, yana nuna balloon (sauƙi-sauƙi). tasiri." Kwanan nan, da yawa masu samarwa da masu fataucin sun ƙaura daga Colombia zuwa Peru, kuma zuwa karami Bolivia, karuwar noman koko a wadancan kasashe. Duk da haka, Colombia ta kasance kan gaba a duniya wajen samar da hodar iblis [4]. Tsohon shugaban kasar Colombia César Gaviria, wanda ke jagorantar hukumar yaki da muggan kwayoyi da dimokuradiyya ta Latin Amurka. taƙaitaccen babban kwamitin 2009 Rahoton ta hanyar cewa "[w] ya ɗauki yakin da ake yi da kwayoyi a matsayin gazawa saboda ba a taba cimma manufofin ba ... Manufofin haramtawa bisa ga kawar da su, tsangwama da aikata laifuka ba su haifar da sakamakon da ake tsammani ba. Mu a yau mun yi nisa fiye da kowane lokaci daga burin kawar da kwayoyi” [5]. Irin wannan ƙarshe ya shafi Mexico, wanda a cikin 1990s ya maye gurbin Florida da Caribbean a matsayin cibiyar jigilar magunguna ta farko sakamakon yakin da ake yi na yaki da kwayoyi a wasu wurare. A matsayin manazarta Laura Carlsen ya lura kwanan nan, tun lokacin da gwamnatin Mexico ta fara shirin yaƙi da miyagun ƙwayoyi da Amurka ta ba da dala biliyan 1.4 a shekara ta 2008, “Tashin hankali da ke da alaƙa da muggan ƙwayoyi ya fashe… tare da mutuwar kusan 30,000 tun lokacin da aka ƙaddamar da yaƙin miyagun ƙwayoyi a ƙarshen 2006. Ana tuhumar cin zarafin ɗan adam a kan sojojin sun haura sau shida zuwa [2009], kuma a cikin watannin da suka gabata [na tsakiyar shekara ta 2010] sojojin sun harbe tare da kashe fararen hula da dama" [6].
Alamu ta uku da ke nuna cewa "yakin da ake amfani da shi a kan kwayoyi" na iya samun wasu munanan manufofin shi ne cewa kasar Colombia na da alaka ta kut da kut da mutane da ayyukan da shirin Colombia ke zargin ana kai wa hari, lamarin da ya sa Hukumar Yaki da Magunguna ta Amurka. gane kafin shirin Colombia ya fara [7]. Amurka tana da hannu sosai a wannan dangantakar, misali ta hanyar shirye-shiryen “madadin ci gaban” USAID a cikin dabino na Afirka da sauran kayayyakin amfanin gona da ba na gargajiya ba. Sanata Gustavo Petro na Colombia bayanin kula cewa "Shirin Colombia na yaki da kwayoyi ta hanyar soja a lokaci guda yana ba da kudi don tallafawa dabino, wanda mafias na soja ke amfani da su don yin amfani da kudi," don haka Amurka tana "tallafawa masu fataucin kwayoyi" [8]. Dakarun na hannun dama na ci gaba da samun kusanci, idan ba bisa ka'ida ba, dangantakar aiki tare da sojojin Colombia, wadanda jami'ai suka taimaka musu. sata dubun-dubatar kadada daga al'ummomin karkara da masu karamin karfi a cikin 'yan shekarun nan. Shaidu sun nuna cewa akwai irin wannan kusanci tsakanin jami'ai da masu kwaya a ciki Peru da kuma Mexico, ko da yake cikakkun bayanai ga na ƙarshe sun kasance masu ɗan murki [9].
Wadannan bayanai game da shirye-shiryen yaki da kwayoyi irin na Colombia-rashin tasirin su daga yanayin kiwon lafiyar jama'a, yawan cin zarafin bil'adama da suke kawowa, da kuma ainihin cin hanci da rashawa - masana sun fahimci su da kyau shekaru da yawa, kuma sakamakon ya kasance mai sauƙin tsinkaya tsawon lokaci. kafin shirin Colombia ya fara. Bayanin tsohon shugaban kasar Gaviria game da sakamakon shirin Colombia daidai ne, sai dai cewa "sakamakon da ake tsammani" ba kawar da kwayoyi ba ne; Masana masu zaman kansu sun yi hasashen gazawar shirin da kyau kafin don aiwatar da shi, yana mai gargadin cewa aikin soja a wurin da ake samarwa wata hanya ce mara inganci ta yakar haramtattun kwayoyi da amfani idan aka kwatanta da shirye-shiryen maganin miyagun ƙwayoyi da sauran ci gaban tattalin arziki. The cikin gida Amurka "Yaƙin Magunguna," wanda ya ƙunshi ɗaure sama da mutane rabin miliyan a kowace shekara saboda laifukan da suka shafi miyagun ƙwayoyi, haka nan hanya ce mara inganci (da kuma rashin ɗan adam da munafunci) na rage amfani da muggan ƙwayoyi [10]. Bambanci mai girma da dadewa tsakanin ilimin masana da manufofin ya haifar da tambayoyi nan da nan game da ainihin dalilan "yakin" da rakiyar soja, wanda aka yi magana dalla-dalla a ƙasa.
To, mece yana An cimma shirin Colombia? Duk da raguwar matakan tashin hankali gabaɗaya da ingantacciyar tsaro ga mazauna birane masu matsakaicin matsayi, Colombia tun daga 1999 ta zama mafi ƙanƙanta fiye da yadda ta riga ta kasance don aiwatar da hukuncin kisa ba tare da shari'a ba, ƙaura mai yawa na cikin gida da sata na ƙasa, da kusancin alaƙa tsakanin mutuwar 'yan sanda na hannun dama. squad da gwamnatin hannun dama na kasar. Mafi yawan tashe-tashen hankula suna kaiwa ma’aikata da talakawa hari, musamman wadanda ke yin barazana ga hakin masu gidaje da ’yan kasuwa. Tun 2005, 45 manoma manoma an kashe su ne saboda sun nemi kwato filayen da aka sace [11]. A cikin 2009 Colombia ta ƙididdige kusan kusan rabi na duk kashe-kashen da ’yan kungiyar kwadago ke yi a duniya, kuma an dade ana yi da aka sani a matsayin kasa mafi hatsari a duniya ga masu fafutuka; wannan yanayin ci gaba karkashin sabon shugaban kasa, Juan Manuel Santos [12]. Sabbin tonon silili na munanan take haƙƙin ɗan adam da alaƙar ƴan siyasa da ƴan sa-kai suna fitowa akai-akai; a karshen 2009, a kabari taro An gano gawarwaki sama da 2,000 a kusa da Bogotá. Ko da yake dakarun 'yan tawaye na hagu a Colombia sun aikata manyan laifukan take hakkin dan adam, yawancin cin zarafi suna da alaka da gwamnati da na 'yan ta'adda na dama, wadanda ke da yanayi na "ba tare da fuskantar hukunci ba" a cewar wani rahoto na Majalisar Dinkin Duniya na Maris 2010. Rahoton [13]
Yunkurin da Colombia ta yi a matsayin mai cin zarafin bil'adama mafi muni a nahiyar ya zo daidai da karuwar tallafin da sojojin Amurka ke ba kasar. Tun daga 1990 Colombia ta sami taimakon soja da 'yan sanda na Amurka fiye da sauran ƙasashen duniya. Plan Colombia ita ce ke da alhakin yawancin wannan tallafin, jimlar sama da dala biliyan 5 tun daga 1999. Alakar taimakon Amurka da ta'addancin 'yan Adam na Colombia ba abu ne na zolaya ba. A Janairu 2010 Rahoton Cibiyar Ci Gaban Duniya ta buga ta gano cewa "haɗin kai tsakanin sojoji da ƙungiyoyin da ke ɗauke da makamai ba bisa ka'ida ba… yana nufin taimakon ƙasashen waje yana ba ƙungiyoyin da ba bisa doka ba kai tsaye damar ci gaba da tashe tashen hankula na siyasa da kuma lalata cibiyoyin dimokiradiyya, kamar shiga cikin zaɓe." Bugu da ƙari kuma, marubutan sun lura da "wani nau'i daban-daban, tsarin asymmetric: lokacin da taimakon soja na Amurka ya karu, hare-haren da 'yan bindiga, wadanda aka san su da aiki tare da sojoji, suna karuwa a cikin gundumomi tare da sansanonin sojan Colombia" [14]. Wani kwanan nan binciken, ta Fellowship of Reconciliation and US Office on Colombia, ya bi diddigin yadda wasu rundunonin sojan Colombian da suka sami taimakon Amurka ke aiwatar da hukuncin kisa a cikin shekaru 9 da suka gabata, inda ya gano cewa “yankin da rundunonin sojojin Colombian suka samu karin girma a taimakon Amurka, sun ba da rahoton cewa, an samu karuwar masu aikata laifuka. kashe-kashe a matsakaici.” Kamar yadda Paola Reyes rahotanni, "Hukunce-hukuncen kisa da rahoton FOR/USOC ya yi nazari akai-akai yawanci lokuta ne da sassan sojoji suka kashe fararen hula domin kara yawan adadin 'yan ta'addan da ake zaton sun kashe a wani mataki" [15]. Waɗannan binciken na baya-bayan nan sun tabbatar da doguwar dangantaka tsakanin taimakon sojan Amurka da take haƙƙin ɗan adam, yanayin da ya bayyana musamman a ƙasashe kamar Colombia amma wanda ya mamaye duk faɗin duniya [16]. (Idan dokar Amurka ta shafi al'amura, Dokar Kula da Fitar da Fitar da Makamai ta 1976 ta haramta ba da tallafin soji ga duk wata gwamnati da ke da laifin ci gaba da take hakki.)
Masu tsara manufofin Washington sun kasance koyaushe m na 'yan tawayen Colombian da ke mutuwa da kuma alakar su da jiga-jigan gwamnati, amma wannan ilimin bai rage musu sha'awar taimakon sojan Amurka ga Colombia ba [17]. A lokacin yakin neman zabensa na shugaban kasa Obama ya yi ta sukar lamirin kare hakkin bil'adama a Colombia, amma ya karfafa kawance da Colombia a cikin shekaru biyu na farko na mulki. Wannan ƙawancen ya haɗa da yarjejeniyar 2009 wanda, idan ta ci nasara a halin yanzu cikas na shari'a a cikin Colombia, zai baiwa Amurka damar samun sansanonin soji guda bakwai a kasar. Yarjejeniyar an yi niyya ne "don mayar da Colombia cibiyar ayyukan Pentagon" a cewar "manyan sojan Colombia da jami'an farar hula da suka saba da shawarwari," in ji kamfanin dillacin labarai na Associated Press. ruwaito a lokacin [18].Ainihinrubutu Daga cikin yarjejeniyar ya yi alkawarin yin hadin gwiwa tsakanin Amurka da Colombia "domin magance barazanar gama gari ga zaman lafiya, kwanciyar hankali, 'yanci, da dimokiradiyya," harshe wanda a lokaci guda ya zama mara tushe kuma mai daure kai ga wadanda suka saba da tarihin manufofin Amurka a yankin [19].
A cikin Kolombiya kanta, manyan masu nasara sun kasance ɓangarori daban-daban na masu safarar miyagun kwayoyi, jami'an gwamnati, ƴan sa-kai na hannun dama, masu gidaje, da ƴan kasuwa. Yawancin sauran 'yan Colombia ba su yi nasara sosai ba, duk da haka. A cewar alkalumman Majalisar Dinkin Duniya, "Colombiya na daya daga cikin kasashe 3 na Latin Amurka inda rashin daidaiton tattalin arziki ya karu tsakanin 2002 da 2008" (sauran su ne Guatemala da Jamhuriyar Dominican). Saka hannun jarin kasashen waje ya ninka sau uku a shekarun baya-bayan nan, lamarin da ya kawo gagarumin ci gaban tattalin arziki, amma talauci (kashi 43) da tsananin talauci (kashi 23) sun canja kadan. A cikin karkara, kashi 0.4 na masu mallakar filaye suna riƙe da kashi 61 na ƙasar [20]. A cikin yankin da ƙungiyoyin jama'a masu karfi da gwamnatoci masu ra'ayin hagu suka kalubalanci ikon gargajiya na gwamnatin Amurka da kamfanoni na kasa da kasa, Colombia ta kasance mai goyon bayan "ciniki na 'yanci" irin na Amurka, ko neoliberalism, wanda ke da alaƙa da mai da ayyuka, 'yantar da kasuwanni, da manufofin gwamnati da ke hada kai da 'yan jari hujja don murkushe 'yancin ma'aikata, manoma, tsiraru, da muhalli. Bankin Duniya da Kamfanin Kudi na Duniya kwanan nan yaba Kokarin Colombia na kiyaye "yanayin abokantaka na kasuwanci," yana zayyana shi, tare da Mexico da Peru, a matsayin manyan kasashe uku na Latin Amurka dangane da "sauƙin yin kasuwanci" [21]. Ba zato ba tsammani, waɗannan ƙasashe ma su ne manyan ƙawayen Amurka uku na kut da kut a yankin.
"Hassada-Ba-Ba" da Hankali na Manufofin Amurka
Tun daga 1990, musamman tun daga 2000 lokacin da aka ƙaddamar da Shirin Colombia, Colombia ta zama jigon ikon Amurka a Latin Amurka. Yayin da tasirin Amurka ke raguwa a duk faɗin yankin, Colombia ta zama mafi mahimmanci a matsayin nuni ga manufofin Amurka. Abubuwan asali guda uku na waccan manufar sun kasance neoliberalism na tattalin arziki, gwamnatin abokantaka ta Amurka, da kuma karuwar sojoji. Idan rashin gazawa ta fuskar lafiyar jama'a, haƙƙin ɗan adam, da walwalar tattalin arziƙi, waɗannan sinadarai suna cimma manufa iri-iri masu amfani. Zaɓin Amurka don tsarin mulkin soja - samfurin da gwamnatin Obama ke nema a yanzu a Mexico da Amurka ta Tsakiya - a hakika yana biyayya ga madaidaicin tunani.
Idan "yakin kan kwayoyi" ya kasance mafi kyawun bayani mara kyau ga sojojin Amurka na Latin Amurka, kuma a mafi munin kawai hujja, menene sauran ƙarshen wannan aikin soja ke aiki daga hangen ƙungiyoyin sha'awar Amurka? A matsayin hanyar shiga cikin amsa wannan tambayar, ba za a iya shakkar cewa Amurka ta daɗe tana neman "[m] ta ci gaba da kasancewa Amurka a matsayin babban tasirin sojan kasashen waje a Latin Amurka," a matsayin takarda mai mahimmanci na 1962 na Ma'aikatar Harkokin Wajen Amurka 22]. Rike ikon soja a Latin Amurka ya kasance babban burin Amurka kusan karni guda, musamman tun yakin duniya na biyu. Hujjar jama'a don yin yaƙi a lokacin Yaƙin Cold shine barazanar da ake zargin Soviet "shiga" na Latin Amurka [23]. Amma a cikin sirri, masu tsara manufofin ba su ɗauki wannan barazanar a zahiri ba. A shekara ta 1958, Ƙididdiga ta Ƙididdiga ta Ƙasa ta lura cewa jam'iyyun gurguzu na Latin Amurka, balle wakilan Soviet, "ba za su iya mamaye kowace gwamnati" a yankin ba. Duk da haka, jami'an Amurka sun jaddada bukatar soja, ba don kare Tarayyar Soviet ba amma a maimakon haka da sunan "tsaro na cikin gida." Abokan gaba suna cikin Latin Amurka kanta, ba cikin ƙungiyar Soviet ba, kuma babban haɗari shine kishin ƙasa na Latin Amurka, ba tsarin gurguzu irin na Soviet ba. Juyin Juyin Juya Halin Kuba na 1959, wanda 'yan gurguzu da ke kawance da Tarayyar Soviet suka taka kadan kadan, ya jaddada wannan gaskiyar. Shirye-shiryen "tsaro na cikin gida" da Amurka ke daukar nauyin taimakon soja da 'yan sanda don haka ya bayyana a duk faɗin nahiyar da aka fara da Eisenhower da haɓakawa a ƙarƙashin Kennedy [24].
Menene waɗannan shirye-shiryen aka tsara don karewa? Wasikun da ba a bayyana ba na Ma'aikatar Jiha ta ba da amsoshi sarai. Don ɗaukar misali ɗaya, jami'ai sun damu cewa juyin juya halin Bolivia na 1952 "zai iya tayar da martani a cikin Latin Amurka" idan ba a bi ta hanyar "matsakaici" ba. Daga baya, bayan juyin juya halin Cuban na 1959, masu tsara shirye-shiryen Amurka sun lura da fargaba cewa “masu galihu da marasa galihu, waɗanda misalin juyin juya halin Cuba ya ƙarfafa su, yanzu suna neman dama don rayuwa mai kyau.” Tawaye mai nasara a Cuba ya gamsar da masu kallo da yawa "cewa jihohin Latin Amurka za su iya zama masanan makomarsu" maimakon dogaro da iyayengiji na kasashen waje. A cikin 1961, wani babban mashawarcin Kennedy, Arthur Schlesinger, ya bayyana damuwa game da "yaɗuwar ra'ayin Castro na ɗaukar al'amura a hannun mutum." Maimakon yin aiki ba tare da Amurka ba, Latin Amurkawa ya kamata su bar Amurka ta jagorance su hanya mai ma'ana zuwa "juyin-juyi na tsakiya," sabanin "ma'aikata-da-ma'aikata" daya [25]. Muhimmancin hana kishin ƙasa da ci gaba mai zaman kansa, da hukunta waɗanda suka yi irin wannan tunanin, ya ci gaba da komawa cikin tarihin daular Amurka; irin waɗannan wajibai sun shahara, alal misali, a cikin wasiƙun kwamandojin soja na ƙarni na sha tara waɗanda suka nemi kawar da duk ’yan asalin Amirkawa waɗanda suka ƙi a tsare su a kan wuraren ajiyar sansani-style [26].
Babbar matsalar da ke tattare da wannan bijirewa ita ce barazanar da ta ke yi wa masu rike da madafun iko na Amurka kan dabarun albarkatun kasa, aiki, da kuma kiyaye sharuddan cin kasuwa. Barazana biyu na "ƙididdigar ƙididdiga da kishin ƙasa," game da abin da 1958 Ƙididdiga na Ƙira ya yi gargaɗi, ya samo asali daga sha'awar mutanen Latin Amurka don samun ƙarin iko akan albarkatun tattalin arzikin ƙasa. "Latin Amirkawa," in ji mai ba da shawara na Ma'aikatar Harkokin Wajen Laurence Duggan, "sun gamsu cewa wadanda suka fara cin gajiyar ci gaban albarkatun kasa su kasance mutanen kasar." Amma wannan hukuncin ya ci karo da wasu muradun Amurka. Kamar yadda jakadan Amurka a Bolivia, Philip Bonsal, ya rubuta wa maigidansa a waccan shekarar, “Wannan matsala ta rike matsayin kamfanonin mai na Amurka a Bolivia da sauran sassan Kudancin Amurka ita ce, kamar yadda babu shakka kun fi ni sani. daya daga cikin muhimman abubuwan da muke fuskanta." Matsalar, in ji Bonsal, ta haifar da babban ɓangare na rashin amincewa da gwamnatocin ƙasashen waje da kamfanoni na Latin Amurka: "Gaskiyar ita ce, ya kasance babban aiki don shawo kan imanin mutane da yawa a nan cewa a cikin cin gajiyar albarkatun mai na Bolivia. Ba za a yi watsi da sha'awar ƙasar Bolivia ba ko, aƙalla, a sanya shi a wani matsayi na ƙasa." Irin waɗannan matsalolin sun addabi masu tsara manufofin Amurka a wasu wurare, musamman a cikin Middle East [27]
Yawancin buƙatun soja sun taso ne daga waɗannan haƙiƙanin. Abubuwan da ake kira shirye-shiryen tsaro na cikin gida sun fara tashi, ciki har da ciki Colombia, a daidai lokacin da Ambasada Bonsal yake rubutawa a 1958 [28]. Jagoran gine-ginen yakin cacar baka George Kennan ya bayyana matsalar shekaru goma da suka gabata:
[W] yana da kusan kashi 50% na dukiyar duniya amma kawai kashi 6.3% na yawan al'ummarta. Wannan bambance-bambancen ya yi girma musamman tsakanin mu da mutanen Asiya. A wannan yanayin, ba za mu iya kasa zama abin hassada da bacin rai ba. Aikinmu na hakika a cikin lokaci mai zuwa shi ne samar da tsarin dangantaka wanda zai ba mu damar ci gaba da rike wannan matsayi na rashin jituwa ba tare da wata illa ga tsaron kasarmu ba. [29]
Daga baya jami'an Amurka sun ja kunne game da bukatar soja. A cewar Janar Maxwell Taylor, daya daga cikin manyan wadanda suka yi yakin Vietnam, "Kamar yadda manyan mawadata ke da' iko, muna iya tsammanin za mu yi yaki don kadarorinmu na kasa da masu hassada 'ba-ba.'" Kuma kamar yadda Jimmy Carter's Sakataren Tsaro, Harold Brown, ya bayyana a cikin 1980 yayin da yake jayayya game da karuwar amfani da "dakaru masu sauri": "Turanci, barazanar tashin hankali da kuma amfani da karfi na ci gaba da yaduwa. [Wadannan matsalolin] suna da dalilai mabambanta, [daga cikinsu akwai gazawar al'ummomi masu wadata] wajen biyan bukatun jama'a da kuma takaita banbance-banbance tsakanin dukiya da yunwa" [30].
Tattaunawa na baya-bayan nan a cikin da'irar gwamnatin Amurka ta ƙunshi kararrakin waɗannan kalamai. Sarrafa kan albarkatun Latin Amurka, musamman mai, shine babban fifiko a yau. A cikin 2008 Majalisar kan Harkokin Harkokin Harkokin Waje jãyayya "Latin Amurka ba ta da wani mahimmanci ga Amurka." Daga cikin ƴan dalilan da ya sa, na farko da aka ambata shi ne cewa “[t] shi ne yanki mafi girma da ke samar da mai daga ketare zuwa Amurka” [31]. Haɓaka “cinikin ‘yanci”—wanda aka fahimta a ma’anarsa ta fasaha, a matsayin manufofin da ke karkatar da dukiyar jama’a zuwa hannun kamfanoni masu zaman kansu, sadaukar da jin daɗin ɗan adam da muhalli a cikin wannan tsari-ya kasance tsakiyar dabarun Amurka. Amma duk da haka dole ne wannan yunƙuri ya shawo kan matsalolin da aka saba yi, wato juriya daga al'ummar Latin Amurka. A 2008 Rahoton Da Daraktan Leken Asiri na Amurka (DNI) ya lura da barazanar da “wasu ƴan gungun gwamnatoci masu tsattsauran ra’ayi” ke yi cewa “suna jaddada kishin ƙasa a fannin tattalin arziki ta hanyar amfani da hanyoyin da suka dogara da kasuwa,” don haka “ci karo da shirye-shiryen Amurka kai tsaye. ” Abin takaici, rahoton ya ce, wannan "hangen gasa" ya shahara sosai a yankin, inda "mafi yawan talauci da rashin daidaiton kudaden shiga za su ci gaba da haifar da masu sauraron saƙon masu tsattsauran ra'ayi." DNI 2010 Rahoton daga wanda Obama ya nada ya maimaita wadannan muhimman abubuwan da ke damun: gwamnatoci a Venezuela, Bolivia, da Ecuador suna adawa da manufofin Amurka da muradun yankin" ta hanyar inganta hanyoyin "kididdiga" maimakon "hanyar jari hujja." Kuma kamar yadda sauran manazarta kafa suka yi kwanan nan nuna, "rashin amincewa da dalilan Washington har yanzu yana gudana a cikin yankin" [32].
Ita kanta Hillary Clinton ta kasance daya daga cikin mafi gaskiya muryoyi a gwamnatin Obama dangane da manufofin Amurka a Latin Amurka. Wannan Maris da ta wuce blasted Gwamnatin Venezuelan Hugo Chavez, tana neman Venezuela "mayar da kadarori masu zaman kansu da komawa tattalin arzikin kasuwa mai 'yanci." Ta kuma ba da shawarar a sassauta takunkumi kan balaguron balaguro zuwa Cuba ta yadda Amurkawa Cuban za su kasance "jakadun jakadanci… don tattalin arzikin kasuwa mai 'yanci." Clinton ta bambanta "mai mulkin kama karya" na Venezuelan da sauran gwamnatocin yanki, yana mai cewa "[w] da ace Venezuela ta fi kallon kudanci kuma tana kallon Brazil da kallon Chile" [33].
Haɓaka hanyoyin siyasa na "matsakaici" ga gwamnatocin yanzu a Venezuela da Bolivia ya kasance ci gaba da mayar da hankali kan manufofin Amurka a cikin 'yan shekarun nan. A Bolivia, alal misali, an soke ofishin jakadancin Amurka takardun sun bayyana ayyukan USAID na tallafawa jam'iyyun siyasa na adawa don "yin aiki a matsayin mai kisa ga MAS mai tsattsauran ra'ayi [jam'iyyar Shugaba Evo Morales] ko magajinta," da "ƙarfafa ƙungiyoyin jama'a don fuskantar MAS." Hotunan baya-bayan nan game da girman taimakon kuɗaɗen Amurka ga ƙungiyoyin adawa da kafofin watsa labarai a Venezuela—har zuwa $ 40 miliyan a kowace shekara- sun kara bayyana wannan dabarar. Jami'an ma'aikatar harkokin wajen Amurka ma a bainar jama'a shawara dabarun raba "tsattsauran ra'ayi" daga "matsakaici" hagu, don samar da "masu nauyi ga gwamnatoci kamar wadanda ke da iko a yanzu a Venezuela da Bolivia wadanda ke bin manufofin da ba sa amfani da bukatun jama'arsu ko yankin." Ƙarin tabbatar da wannan dabarun ya fito ne daga fayilolin diflomasiyyar Amurka da aka fitar kwanan nan Wikileaks, wasu daga cikinsu suna ba da shaida na ƙoƙarin Amurka na lalata ko hambarar da Hugo Chavez [34].
Waɗannan maganganun da takaddun suna ba da cikakken hoto mai ma'ana game da fifikon Amurka a cikin Latin Amurka: haɓaka tsarin mulkin siyasa na abokantaka na Amurka yayin da ake tafiyar da tattalin arzikin Latin Amurka tare da ainihin hanyar neman sassaucin ra'ayi (raguwa ko kawar da gidan yanar gizon amincin zamantakewa, sauƙaƙe ƙa'idodi kan kamfanoni na waje, ba da fifikon albarkatun ƙasa. fitar da kayayyaki zuwa kasashen waje, wargaza kariya ga masana’antun kasa da sauransu). Dabarun neoliberalism da haɓaka dimokuradiyya masu biyayya ga abokin ciniki suna da alaƙa sosai. Sannan kuma maganganun da Clinton da sauran su ke yi, maimakon jawaban sulhu da Obama da kansa ya yi, da alama sun yi nuni da mahangar da ke tattare da manufofin gwamnati mai ci a yankin, wanda ke ci gaba da yin hakan. kyauta tsarin mulki kamar na Colombia, Peru, da Mexico waɗanda ba tare da kunya ba suna son masu saka hannun jari na kamfanoni akan haƙƙin ɗan adam yayin da suke neman lalata waɗanda ke Venezuela, Bolivia, da sauran wurare [35].
Dalilan Soja
Amma me yasa Amurka ta ba da irin wannan girmamawa sake soja Latin Amurka a cikin shekaru goma da suka gabata? A wajen Kolombiya, babu wata barazanar soji kai tsaye ga gwamnatocin abokantaka na Amurka, kamar yadda a wasu lokuta aka yi a zamanin Yaƙin Cacar lokacin da rashin jin daɗin jama'a ke haifar da dakarun sa-kai. Shin ba za a iya cimma burin Amurka ta hanyar mulkin mallaka na tattalin arziki da siyasa kadai ba, kamar yadda suka kasance na ɗan lokaci kaɗan. Bolivia bayan juyin juya halin kasar na 1952 [36]?
Duk da yake ci gaba da aikin soja na manufofin duniya na Amurka yana da cikakkun rubuce-rubuce, tushensa yana buƙatar ƙarin fayyace ra'ayi (maudu'in da nake fatan bi da shi a nan gaba). A halin yanzu, ko da yake, ina so in ba da shawarar abubuwa biyar masu taimakawa. Biyu na farko suna nuna abin da David Harvey ya kira ɗan jari-hujja da yanki "maganganun iko," ko Amurka na buƙatar haɓaka riba ta tattalin arziki da kuma kula da tsarin siyasa a Latin Amurka; Wadannan abubuwa biyu na farko suna da alaƙa da alaƙa da abubuwan da Amurka ta fi ba da fifiko da aka tattauna a sama [37]. Sauran abubuwa guda uku sun yi karo da biyun farko, amma suna nuna karin yanayin tattalin arzikin Amurka, gaskiyar raguwar tasirin Amurka a duniya, da kuma al'adun siyasar Washington.
- Danniya rashin yarda
- Ci gaba da kasancewar Amurka mai ƙarfi a yankin
- Tasirin siyasa na 'yan kwangilar soja da masu kera makamai
- Ikon soji a matsayin wanda ya rage na mulkin Amurka
- Al'adun siyasar machista na Washington
- Danniya rashin yarda. A cikin mafi yawan ƙasashe, ana ci gaba da samun yawaitar barazanar "tsaro na cikin gida" ban da masu safarar muggan makamai da 'yan daba. Kamar yadda Edward Herman ya lura kusan shekaru 30 da suka gabata, babban abin da ke tattare da dadewar dangantakar da ke tsakanin taimakon sojan Amurka da take hakkin dan Adam shi ne cewa tauye hakkin dan Adam na kokarin haifar da yanayi mai kyau ga kasuwanci. A cikin kasashen da ba su ci gaba ba, inda arha da arha ke zama abin jan hankali ga jarin kasashen waje, gwamnatocin da ke tabbatar da ‘yancin siyasa, zamantakewa da tattalin arziki ga dukan jama’arsu ba za su yi nasara ba wajen jan hankalin masu zuba hannun jari na kasashen waje da kuma samun kyakkyawan fata na wadancan. gwamnatocin gida masu zuba jari [38]. Wannan gaskiyar ta ƙara fitowa fili tun lokacin da Herman ya lura da hakan a cikin 1982, yayin da aka sanya sauye-sauyen tattalin arziƙin neman yancin ɗan adam a ko'ina cikin duniya don cutar da yawancin talakawa. Manufofin Neoliberal sun daɗe wanda ba a son shi tsakanin 'yan Latin Amurka, kuma sun taimaka haifar da sake farfadowa na ƙungiyoyin zamantakewa na Latin Amurka masu karfi a cikin 'yan shekarun nan; tun daga karshen shekarun 1990, kamar yadda masu tsara tsare-tsare na Amurka suka koka, wadannan yunkuri da kuma tsananin rashin jin dadin jama'a da suke wakilta sun samar da shugabanni masu ra'ayin mazan jiya kimanin dozin da suka sha alwashin karya dogaron tattalin arzikin kasashensu, da siyasa, da diflomasiyya ga Amurka [39]. Soja ta hanyar ƙara taimakon sojoji da 'yan sanda wata dabara ce don ɗaukar wannan lamarin. Ko da yake ainihin manufar "taimako" masu fataucin miyagun ƙwayoyi ne (kuma a Kolombiya, ƴan ta'adda masu ɗauke da makamai), a ƙasashe da dama waɗanda taimakon ya taimaka wajen danne ƙungiyoyin jama'a masu zaman kansu [40]. sakewa ga Clinton ta Satumba 8th sharhi, editoci na kullum na Mexican Jornada nuna cewa daya fa'ida na "yakin kan kwayoyi" shi ne cewa yana da sauƙin ba da kansa ga "lalata ƙungiyoyin jama'a da masu fafutuka a ƙarƙashin fatawar yaƙar gungun miyagun ƙwayoyi" [41]. A cikin 'yan shekarun nan, an kashe masu zanga-zanga a duk faɗin Latin Amurka, dauri, da kuma cin zarafi daga jami'an "tsaro" da ke ba da kuɗi da kuma horar da kai tsaye daga Amurka: Colombian. 'yan kungiyar kwadago, Indiyawan, Da kuma mazan, al'ummomin da ke nuna rashin amincewarsu da masana'antar sarrafa kayan aiki a cikin Amazon na Peruvian, masu fafutuka da 'yan jarida bayan juyin mulkin Yuni 2009 a Honduras, kuma daban-daban Masu zanga-zangar Mexico (mafi kwanan nan malamai, masu hakar ma'adinai, da ma'aikatan lantarki, ban da Zapatistas). Fiye da yawa, aikin soja ya kasance hanyar da aka fi so don magance rashin zaman lafiya - daga zanga-zangar zamantakewa zuwa ƙaura zuwa laifukan titi, samar da muggan ƙwayoyi, da tashin hankali - cewa neoliberalism yana iya kara tsanantawa [42].
- Ci gaba da kasancewar Amurka mai ƙarfi a yankin. Sha'awar masu tsara manufofin Amurka game da mamaye yankin Latin Amurka ba shi da nasaba da takamaiman abubuwan bukatu kawai. Duk da yake waɗannan bukatu suna taka muhimmiyar rawa, ana ganin yankin yana da girma sosai siyasa mahimmanci, wanda galibi ya samo asali ne daga sha'awar tattalin arziki amma ba daidai ba ne. Damuwar Amurka game da Latin Amurka ta dade tana kan abin da ba a so ba, kamar yadda tsayin daka da Amurka ta yi a shekarun 1980 don murkushe manufofin kawo sauyi a kasashe uku na Amurka ta tsakiya wadanda ba su da mahimmancin tattalin arziki kai tsaye ga jiga-jigan 'yan kasuwan Amurka. Tsayar da iko a kan "yankinmu kaɗan a nan" - a cikin kalmomin tsohon Sakataren War Henry Stimson - a wata ma'ana manufa ce a kanta, ko da yake wanda a al'adance kuma ana daukar shi yana da mahimmanci "don cimma nasara mai nasara a sauran wurare a duniya. ,” a cewar Majalisar Tsaro ta kasa a 1971 [43]. Ƙarshen yakin cacar-baki da kuma yawan damuwa da Amurka ke yi da Gabas ta Tsakiya bai canza wannan fifiko ba - don haka dagewar kwanan nan da manyan masu fafutukar kare manufofin ketare suka yi tunanin cewa "Latin Amurka ba ta da wani muhimmanci ga Amurka." A halin da ake ciki yanzu, kasancewar sojojin Amurka ko Amurka mai ƙarfi yana da mahimmanci musamman a matsayin kiba ga gwamnatocin masu ra'ayin hagu waɗanda ake ganin sune suka fi yin barazana ga mamayar Amurka, inda Venezuela ke kan gaba. Sansanonin Amurka a kasashe kamar Colombia, Honduras, El Salvador, da Panama, da dimbin taimakon soji ga Colombia da Mexico, an yi niyya ne a babban bangare a matsayin sake tabbatar da mamayar Amurka. Asali na 2009 Bukatar kasafin kudin Pentagon ga Majalisa yayi magana game da bukatar "cikakkun ayyukan bakan a ko'ina cikin Kudancin Amirka," a wani ɓangare don magance kasancewar "gwamnonin anti-US" da "fadada ikon yaƙi" [44]. Ko da yake an cire wannan harshe daga takarda ta ƙarshe, mai yiwuwa alama ce mai kyau na tunanin mutane da yawa a Washington. Kuma yayin da kai harin Amurka kai tsaye kan Venezuela ko Bolivia da alama ba zai yuwu ba nan gaba kadan, akwai yarjejeniya kan bukatar kasancewar sojojin Amurka mai karfi a yankin, a wani bangare a matsayin wani nau'i na kare kai daga ci gaba da yaduwar "yan adawa masu tsattsauran ra'ayi." .”
- The Tasirin siyasa na 'yan kwangilar sojan Amurka da masu kera makamai. Soja tallafin gwamnati ne ga kamfanonin Amurka na cikin gida. Jami'an Amurka suna kallon taimakon soji ga Latin Amurka a matsayin tallafin da ya wajaba ga rukunin masana'antu na soja aƙalla tun cikin shekarun 1940, lokacin da suka lura cewa taimakon soja "zai kuma ba da ƙarin kuzari ga masana'antar jiragen sama," ga ginin jiragen ruwa, da sauran sassa. . Tun daga wancan lokaci harkar kera makamai ta samu ci gaba sosai kuma a yanzu ta zama mafi riba a duniya, inda Amurka ke kan gaba wajen fitar da makamai a duniya. Kuma kamar yadda masana tattalin arziki na siyasa kamar Seymour Melman da Ismael Hossein-Zadeh suka jaddada, tattalin arzikin cikin gida wanda ke da nasaba da yaki da masana'antu da ke da alaka da yaki - tare da kusan rabin duk kudaden da gwamnatin tarayya ke kashewa na shekara-shekara zuwa karshen wannan - yana haifar da mazabu da masu fafutuka da ke da nasaba da yakin. kasance daga cikin mafi yawan ƙwararrun soja kuma waɗanda ke taimakawa tabbatar da dorewar tsarin da ke amfanar su [45]. Baya ga taimakon soja da 'yan sanda na Pentagon kai tsaye, a cikin 2008 masana'antar kera makaman Amurka da gwamnatin Amurka sun sayar da kusan dala biliyan 2 makamai zuwa Latin Amurka, fiye da kashi 60 cikin XNUMX na su sun tafi Mexico da Colombia. A cikin yanayin Plan Colombia, masu samar da kayan aikin soja da kuma kamfanonin mai An san cewa sun himmatu sosai don ganin an zartar da lissafin, kuma kamfanoni iri ɗaya ne a halin yanzu amfana daga Plan Mexico ("Initiative Mérida") [46].
- Ikon soji a matsayin wanda ya rage na mulkin Amurka. Yayin da tattalin arzikin Amurka ya ragu dangane da na China, Indiya, da Gabashin Asiya, yankin da Amurka ke da fifiko ba tare da kokwanto ba shi ne karfin sojanta. Kamar kowane ɗan wasa a cikin gasa-hoton babban cibiyar ƙwallon kwando na katako-a zahiri yana ƙoƙarin dogaro da ƙarfin danginsa, yana fatan yin amfani da girmansa da ƙarfinsa don fin karfin abokan hamayyarsa cikin sauri, masu kuzari. Slam dunk na lokaci-lokaci, ko nuna ƙarfi, a wani bangare na nufin tunatar da kowa da kowa wanda ya mallaki “kotu,” ko fagen fama na siyasa. Ga gwamnatin Amurka, ƙarfin ƙarfin ƙarfin soja ya ƙara zama wuri na farko don matsaloli da manufofi iri-iri, ko da a ƙarshe ba su da fa'ida. Wannan dabi'a kuma mai yiwuwa wani abu ne a baya bayan Obama na ta'azzarar yakin Amurka a tsakiyar Asiya, duk da karfi shaida Rundunar sojan ba za ta yi tasiri ba wajen taimaka wa Amurka ta daidaita tsarin mulkin abokin ciniki a Afghanistan [47].
- Al'adun siyasar chauvinistic na Washington. Haɗin ƙarfi na jiki tare da mazakuta ya yaɗu, kuma ana yawan amfani da misalin a cikin fitattun maganganun siyasa dangane da ƙasashe-ƙasa don tabbatar da manufofi masu tayar da hankali. A cikin shekarun farko na "yakin da ta'addanci" a Afganistan da Iraki, masu tsara manufofin Amurka da karnuka masu aminci a cikin jaridun Amurka sukan yi la'akari da halin kirki na Amurka yayin da suke jefa wasu shugabannin Turai da suka yi jinkirin tallafawa mamayewa a matsayin mai rauni da tasiri [48]. . An yi bikin New York Times Mawallafin marubuci Thomas Friedman ya shaida wa wani mai gabatar da shirye-shiryen talabijin a shekara ta 2003 cewa mamayewar da Amurka ta yi wa Iraki wata hanya ce ta cewa "Ku sha wannan" ga 'yan Iraki da sauran wadanda ke adawa da ikon Amurka. "Maza na gaske suna zuwa Tehran," jami'an Amurka da na Burtaniya ya ce a farkon yakin, tare da turawa Iran hari na gaba [49]. A gaskiya, ainihin maza faufau shirka daga amfani da karfin soji: ko a Gabas ta Tsakiya, Ko Kolombiya, Meziko, ko Hiroshima, son nuna bajintar soji don mayar da martani ga duk wani “barazana” da ake ganin ya zama sharadi ne ga mutumci da mutuntawa. A mafi yawan lokuta machismo yana da alaƙa ta kut-da-kut da ra'ayin wariyar launin fata na al'ummomin kasashen waje, waɗanda ba shakka sune farkon harin sojojin Amurka.
A ƙarshen karni na sha tara da farkon ƙarni na ashirin, US zane-zane na siyasa a kai a kai ana kwatanta 'yan asalin Latin Amurka a matsayin masu cin zarafi kuma suna buƙatar kariyar Amurka, kuma jaridun kamfanoni na yau suna haifar da irin wannan. dalilai a cikin mafi dabara fashion. Machismo da girman kai (sau da yawa suna cike da wariyar launin fata) ba dabarun magana ba ne kawai don tabbatar da zalunci, ko da yake-suna zurfafa cikin zukatan mafi yawan masu tsara manufofin Amurka, kuma suna taimakawa wajen tsara manufofin da zance. Wataƙila Machismo yana da taimako musamman wajen bayyana ƙaƙƙarfan shigar Amurka a wurare kamar Vietnam da Afghanistan, yankuna waɗanda mahimmancin tattalin arzikinsu kai tsaye ga Amurka ya kasance na biyu. Mataimakin Sakataren Tsaro John McNaughton ya rubuta a cikin wata sanarwa ta 1965 cewa ya zuwa yanzu mafi mahimmancin burin Amurka a Vietnam shine "gujewa cin kashin Amurka wulakanci," don haka ya ba da hujjar kisan gillar da aka yi wa miliyoyin mutane marasa laifi [50]. Hakazalika, yana da kyau a kammala cewa karuwar Obama a Afganistan wani bangare ne na al'adar son rai na Washington, musamman ma 'yan Democrat rashin son ganin "rauni" (ko da yake yawancin jama'ar Amurka suna adawa da yakin) [51] .
Canjin Zamu Iya Imani Da: Yada Samfura
Sakamakon tsarin mulkin neoliberalism na soja ba abu ne da za a yi muhawara ba. Yayin da wasu ƴan masu shan ƙwayoyi, ƴan siyasa, da masu cin riba na kamfanoni ke amfana, mutanen da ba su da mahimmanci suna fama da talauci, wanda hakan ke haɓaka komai daga zanga-zangar zamantakewa zuwa ƙaura zuwa samar da ƙwayoyi, laifuffukan titi, da tashin hankali-duk waɗannan ana amfani da su don tabbatar da ƙarin soja. . Wannan sake zagayowar, tare da duk wanda ya yi nasara da wanda ya ci nasara, yana yiwuwa ya ci gaba a Colombia, Mexico, da kuma ko'ina da aka yi amfani da irin wannan samfurin.
Gwamnatin Obama siyasa ya nuna fifiko mai ƙarfi ga mahimman abubuwan guda uku na wannan ƙirar - manufofin tattalin arziƙi na 'yan tawaye, shugabannin siyasa masu biyayya ga Amurka, da kuma aikin soja - kuma sun nuna ƙarancin sha'awar canza manufofin a cikin hanyar ci gaba (ko da a kan layin mafi girman girman kai). , pragmatic canje-canje shawarar ta Majalisar Harkokin Harkokin Waje a 2008). Tun bayan da Obama ya karbi ragamar mulkin kasar Mexico, kasar Colombia ta mayar da gudun hijira a matsayin kasar da ke kan gaba wajen karbar taimakon soja da 'yan sandan Amurka a wani bangare na kokarin da wani jami'in Amurka ya yi. kira "Ayyukan NAFTA." Haɗin kai na Amurka ta tsakiya zuwa cikin tallafin Amurka "security corridor" Ya tashi daga kan iyakar Amurka da Mexico zuwa Colombia yana ci gaba da sauri [52]. Idan shugabancin Obama ya kawo wani "canji," ba lallai ba ne irin canjin da yawancin talakawa za su samu.
Muhawarori da yawa a halin yanzu a cikin da'irar ci gaba sun ta'allaka ne kan tambayar ko Obama da kansa yana goyon bayan ci gaba da manufofin magabata ko kuma a zahiri mai son ci gaba ne wanda ke daure da sarkakiyar manyan muradu. Wannan ra'ayi na ƙarshe yana da alama ba zai yuwu ba, domin idan Obama yana da sha'awar ƙarin ɗan adam da tsarin mulkin mallaka, zai iya aiwatar da wasu sauye-sauye masu sassaucin ra'ayi ta hanyar, alal misali, kawo ƙarshen shirye-shiryen haɓaka dimokuradiyya na Amurka a cikin ƙasashe kamar su. Venezuela ko maido da zaɓin ciniki don Bolivia wanda ya soke a 2009.
Amma kwarin guiwar Obama a kowane hali ba su da mahimmanci fiye da shingen tsari da tsare-tsare na canji mai mahimmanci. Asalin manufofin manufofin da dabarun sun wuce layin jam'iyya da sakamakon zabe. Ko da a ƙarshe yana da lahani ga wasu buƙatun Amurka na dogon lokaci, ci gaba da aikin soja yana ba da fa'idodi na ɗan gajeren lokaci ga kamfanoni da masu ruwa da tsaki na gwamnati. Idan aka yi la'akari da tarin iko na yanzu a Amurka da Latin Amurka, ɓata manufofin siyasa kawai zai haifar da juriya mai yawa, kuma yana ba da lada kaɗan na siyasa.
Duk wata babbar manufar da ta canza a cikin alkibla mai ci gaba, idan ta faru, za ta haifar da matsalolin da ke fitowa daga Latin Amurka da/ko daga sojojin da ba na gwamnati ba a cikin Amurka kanta.
Notes
* Godiya ga Sue Dorfman, John Feffer, da Michael Schwartz don shawarwari masu taimako akan zayyanawar wannan labarin.
[1] Carlos Chirinos, "Hillary Clinton: México ta kasance 'Colombia de hace 20 años,'" BBC Duniya, Satumba 8, 2010; "Clinton: Yaƙin Miyagun ƙwayoyi na Mexiko Yayi kama da Tawaye," Los Angeles Times, Satumba 8, 2010. Wannan bayanin ba shi ne karo na farko da aka yaba da samfurin Shirin Colombia ba a matsayin wanda za a yi amfani da shi a wani wuri: duba Bill Weinberg, "Shirya Kolombiya: Fitar da Samfurin," Rahoton NACLA a kan Amurka 42, ba. 4 (2009), da Greg Grandin. "Muscling Latin America," Nation (Janairu 21, 2010). Kyakkyawan ra'ayi na Shirin Kolombiya ya yadu a tsakanin fitattun manufofin ketare a Amurka: alal misali, Robert C. Bonner, "Sabon Cocaine Cowboys: Yadda za a Kayar da Kayayyakin Magunguna na Mexico," Harkokin Harkokin waje (Yuli/Agusta 2010).
[2] A kan taba duba Cibiyoyin Kula da Cututtuka da Rigakafin Cututtuka, "Mutuwar Tabarbarewar Tabar Sigari, Asarar Rayuwa mai yuwuwar Shekaru, da Asarar Haɓaka-Amurka, 2000-2004," Rashin ƙuntatawa da Mutuwa a Kullum 57, ba. 45 (2008): 1226-28, wanda aka ambata akan CDC yanar; akan barasa duba David J. Nutt, Leslie A. King, da Lawrence D. Phillips, "Drug Harms in UK: A Multicriteria Decision Analysis," The Lancet 376, ba. 9752 (Nuwamba 6, 2010): 1558-65. Don ƙarin ƙididdiga duba Noam Chomsky, "Shirin Colombia," in Jihohin Dattijo: Dokokin Karfi a Harkokin Duniya (Boston: Kudu End Press, 2000), 78-80.
Ina watsi da babbar tambaya ta ko jiha tana da halalci dama don haramta, da kuma zartar da hukunci mai tsauri akan amfani da takamaiman abubuwa na sirri; Ni daya bana tunanin hakan zai yi, sai dai idan samar da, musanya, da/ko amfani da wani abu da aka bayar ya cutar da wasu mutane ko muhalli ta wata hanya mai ma'ana. Za a iya yin shari'a mai ƙarfi cewa wasu kwayoyi sun faɗi cikin wannan keɓanta, ma'ana cewa hane-hane na amfani ko haramcin duka na iya zama mai ma'ana; al’amarin tukin bugu, alal misali, a bayyane yake. Koyaya, yawancin kwayoyi masu haɗari (misali, barasa da taba) doka ne, yayin da yawancin magungunan “mafi aminci” idan aka kwatanta (musamman marijuana, amma har da hodar iblis) suna fuskantar wasu hukunci mafi tsauri. (A kwatankwacinsa sosai haske Hukunce-hukuncen tuki-wanda ke kashe kusan mutane 22,000 kowace shekara a Amurka, fiye da duk laifukan da suka shafi narcotics-duba Michelle Alexander, Sabuwar Jim Crow: Ciwon Jama'a a cikin Zamanin Makaho [New York: New Press, 2010], 200-01.)
[3] "Dimokradiyya da Tsarin Kolombiya," Rahoton NACLA a kan Amurka 40, a'a. 1 (2007).
[4] Ƙididdigar Majalisar Dinkin Duniya da aka nakalto a cikin "Morales: Dakatar da cinikin Bolivia ya nuna Obama ya yi 'karya ga Latin Amurka'” (kanun labarai), Democracy Now! 2 Yuli 2009; Ofishin Majalisar Dinkin Duniya kan Magunguna da Laifuka, Rahoton Drug Duniya na 2009 (New York, 2009), 11. Dubi kuma Simon Romero, "Samarwar Coca ta Sake Komawa a Peru," New York Times, Yuni 13, 2010; Andrés Schipani, "Haɓaka Cocaine Haɓaka Matsala ga Bolivia," BBC News, Yuni 16, 2010. "Tasirin Balloon": Lisa Haugaard, et al., Jiran Canji: Yanayin Taimakon Tsaron Amurka zuwa Latin Amurka da Caribbean (CIP/LAWG/WOLA, Mayu 2010), 16.
[5] An nakalto a cikin Rory Carroll, "Haɓaka Haɓaka Haɓaka Cocaine Yana Buɗe Tashin Hankali a Latin Amurka," Guardian, Maris 9, 2009. Duba kuma na Hukumar ta Fabrairu 2009 Rahoton, Magunguna da Dimokuradiyya: Zuwa Juyin Halittada Michael Kenney, Daga Pablo zuwa Osama: Cibiyoyin Ciniki da Ta'addanci, Ƙididdiga na Gwamnati, da Ƙaƙwalwar Gasa (Kwalejin Jiha, PA: Jihar Penn UP, 2007).
[6] "Shirin Colombia don Mexico," Harkokin Harkokin Kasashen waje a Fax, Satumba 10, 2010. A Yunƙurin na Mexico narcotrafficking duba Paul Gootenberg, "Blowback: Mexican Drug Crisis," Rahoton NACLA a kan Amurka 43, ba. 6 (2010): 7-12. Wasu 'yan jarida biyu da suka dade suna yada labarai a Mexico sun rubuta cewa "mafi yawan wadanda aka kashe din 'yan kasar Mexico ne talakawa wadanda ke yin sihiri da sihiri kafin jininsu ya bushe a kan tituna." Sun kuma jaddada babban rashin tabbas game da ainihi da dalilan waɗanda ke da alhakin yawaitar tashe-tashen hankulan da suka shafi muggan kwayoyi na baya-bayan nan, rashin tabbas wanda suke dangantawa da rashin gudanar da binciken gwamnatin Mexico da kuma rashin sha'awar gwamnatin Amurka. Kasancewar shirin na Mexico yana ci gaba da gudana a yanzu tsawon shekaru da yawa duk da wannan rashin tabbas wata alama ce da ke nuna cewa shirin yana da wasu boyayyun dalilai. Dubi Charles Bowden da Molly Molloy, "Wane ne ke Bayan Mutuwar 25,000 a Mexico?" Nation (Yuli 23, 2010).
[7] N. Chomsky, "Shirin Colombia," 72-73.
[8] An nakalto a cikin Teo Ballvé, "The Dark Side of Plan Colombia," Nation (Mayu 27, 2009).
[9] Ballvé, "The Dark Side of Plan Colombia"; Weinberg, "Shirin Colombia"; Angel Páez, "Peru: Wikileaks Cables sun Bayyana Siyasar Fuska Biyu ta Amurka," Sashin Jarida na Inter, Disamba 16, 2010.
[10] Don nassoshi game da nazarin ƙwararrun da aka buga kafin 1999, N. Chomsky, "Plan Colombia," 80-81. "Madaidaicin ci gaban tattalin arziki" na ainihin yanayi bai kamata a rikita shi da shirye-shiryen USAID na yanzu a Colombia ko wani wuri ba. A kan "Yaki akan Magunguna" da aka yi wa wariyar launin fata sosai a cikin Amurka kanta, duba kyakkyawan littafin kwanan nan na lauya Michelle Alexander, Sabuwar Jim Crow: Ciwon Jama'a a cikin Zamanin Makaho (New York: New Press, 2010). Duba kuma fitowar ta musamman ta Janairu/Fabrairu 2011 A Amirka, yiwuwa.
[11] Adam Isacson na Ofishin Washington a Latin Amurka, Kada Ka Kira Shi Abin Sami: A Shirin Cika Shekaru Goma na Kolombiya, Da'awar 'Nasara' Kada Ka Tsaya Kan Bincike (WOLA, Yuli 2010), p. 5.
[12] Daga cikin 101 da aka tabbatar da kashe-kashen 'yan kwadago, 48 sun kasance a Colombia. Kasashe uku na gaba da ke cikin jerin dukkan abokan kawancen Amurka ne: Guatemala mai 16, Honduras mai 12, Mexico mai 6; Bangladesh ta haɗe da Mexico (Ƙungiyar Kasuwanci ta Duniya, Binciken Shekara-shekara na take hakkin Kungiyar Kwadago [2010]). A cikin kalmomi na Babban Sakatare na ITUC Guy Ryder, "Colombia ta kasance ƙasar da ta kasance ƙasa da tsayin daka don kare haƙƙin ma'aikata fiye da ko'ina yana nufin hukuncin kisa, duk da yaƙin neman zaɓen gwamnatin Colombian da ya yi akasin haka. Halin da ya tabarbare a Guatemala, Honduras da wasu kasashe da dama shi ma yana haifar da matukar damuwa." Don bango da ƙarin sabuntawa na kwanan nan, duba Federico Fuentes, "Colombia: Yin Kasuwanci, Kashe Ma'aikata," Green hagu mako-mako, Nuwamba 13, 2010. Kisan masu fafutuka na hagu yana ci gaba da wanzuwa tun bayan da tsohon ministan tsaro Juan Manuel Santos ya karbi ragamar shugabancin kasar a watan Agustan 2010; gani Manuela Kuehr, "An kashe 'yan gwagwarmaya 22 a cikin kwanaki 75 na farko na Santos," Rahoton Colombia, Oktoba 29, 2010.
[13] Conn Hallinan, "Gano Mass Kabari na Kwanan nan Colombia na iya zama 'Karya-Kyau,'" Harkokin Harkokin Kasashen waje a Fax, Agusta 1, 2010; "Informe del Relator Especial sobre las ejecuciones, extrajudiciales, sumarias o arbitrarias, Philip Alston,"A/HRC/14/24/Add.2 (Maris 31, 2010), 12.
[14] Oeindrila Dube and Suresh Naidu, Bases, Harsasai, da Kuri'u: Tasirin Taimakon Sojan Amurka akan Rikicin Siyasa a Colombia, Takardar Aiki 197 (Janairu 2010), taƙaice da shafi na 3.
[15] "Shirin Colombia yana da alaƙa da haɓaka cin zarafin soji," Labaran NACLA, Yuli 30, 2010. Cikakkun rahoton da aka fitar a watan Yulin 2010, mai suna Taimakon Soja da Haƙƙin Dan Adam: Kolombiya, Lissafin Amurka, da Tasirin Duniya. Bayyanar Colombia bayan 1990 a matsayin mafi munin mai take hakkin dan Adam a yankin yana da nasaba da faduwar, a tsakiyar tsakiyar shekarun 1980, na jerin mulkin kama-karya na soja da Amurka ke marawa baya tare da munanan bayanan hakkin dan adam.
[16] A cikin nazari na yau da kullun na rikodin na 1975-77, masanin kimiyyar siyasa Lars Schoultz ya gano cewa “[t] dangantakarsa tsakanin cikakken matakin taimakon Amurka ga Latin Amurka da take haƙƙin ɗan adam ta hanyar gwamnatoci masu karɓa… wannan taimakon ya kasance yana tafiya daidai gwargwado ga gwamnatocin Latin Amurka waɗanda ke azabtar da 'yan ƙasarsu" ("Manufofin Harkokin Waje na Amurka da cin zarafin ɗan adam a Latin Amurka: A Kwatantawa Binciken Rarraba Taimakon Kasashen Waje,” Siyasa Kwatanta 13, ba. 2 [1981]: 155). Duba kuma Edward S. Herman, The Real Ta'addanci Network: Ta'addanci a Gaskiya da Farfaganda (Boston: Kudu End Press, 1982), 126 wucewa.
Wasu na iya yin tambaya ko dangantakar Schoultz ta ci gaba da wanzuwa a lokacin yakin cacar baka; Hankalina shi ne, yayin da azabtarwa da kashe-kashen jama'a ba su da yawa a yanzu fiye da yadda suke da shekaru talatin da suka wuce, har yanzu akwai dangantaka mai karfi tsakanin fatan Amurka da murkushe dimokuradiyya irin na zamantakewa. Abinda ya fi dacewa yanzu, na yi imani, yana tsakanin matakan dimokuradiyya da tagomashin Amurka, maimakon matakan tashin hankali na jihohi da tagomashin Amurka. Don wasu shaidun kwanan nan waɗanda ke goyan bayan wannan hujja, duba majiyoyin da aka ambata a bayanin kula 21 da 40, a ƙasa.
[17] Takardun da ake tambaya, akwai a kan yanar na Taskar Tsaron Kasa, ya bayyana ilimin gwamnatin Amurka tun farkon 1990 na alakar sojoji da gungun masu kisa.
[18] Rahoton AP daga Yuli 15, 2009, wanda kuma aka nakalto a Noam Chomsky, "Ƙaddamar da Latin Amurka," A cikin wadannan Times online, Satumba 9, 2009. A kan ƙarin amincewar Ma'aikatar Jiha ta kwanan nan game da rikodin haƙƙin ɗan adam, duba Gimena Sánchez-Garzoli, "Bayar da Kolumbia Kyauta: Ma'aikatar Jiha ta yi watsi da cin zarafin Afro-Colombian da 'Yan Asalin Kasa," UpsideDownWorld.org, Satumba 22, 2010. A kan abubuwan da ke faruwa a halin yanzu don yarjejeniyar kasuwanci ta 'yanci na Amurka-Colombia, duba Dawn Paley, "Mene ne Gaba na Yarjejeniyar Kasuwancin Kyauta ta Amurka da Colombia?" Labaran NACLA, Disamba 3, 2010.
[19] An nakalto a cikin Haugaard, et al., Jiran Canji, 4.
[20] Isakson, Kar a kira shi da abin koyi, 10 (quote), dangane da wani ɓangare na Majalisar Dinkin Duniya Tattalin Arziki na Latin Amurka da Caribbean (ECLAC), Social Panorama na Latin Amurka (takardar taƙaitaccen bayani, 2009), 11-12.
[21] Mexico ta kasance ta farko a yankin a cikin "sauƙin yin kasuwanci" gaba ɗaya, tare da Peru da Colombia na biyu da na uku (Yin Kasuwanci 2011: Samar da Bambanci ga 'Yan kasuwa [Washington, 2010], 4). Hakanan an tattauna a Fuentes, "Colombia: Yin Kasuwanci, Kashe Ma'aikata."
[22] "Latin Amurka: Jagororin Manufofin Amurka da Ayyuka" (daftarin aiki), Afrilu 24, 1962, p. 57, a cikin Hukumar Kula da Rubuce-rubucen ta Amurka (NARA), Rukunin Rikodi 59, Shiga 3172, Akwatin 2, Jaka 31.
[23] "Kutsawa" ya kasance babban abin da ya faru a cikin maganganun masu tsara manufofi; duba, alal misali, Mataimakin Sakataren Harkokin Wajen Yammacin Duniya Thomas C. Mann ga Karamin Sakataren Gwamnati (C. Douglas Dillon), Nuwamba 10, 1960, a cikin NARA 59/3172/1/30.
[24] "Halayen Latin Amurka game da Amurka," NIE 80/90-58, Disamba 2, 1958, a cikin Harkokin Waje na Amurka (bayan FRUS), 1958-1960, vol. V: Jamhuriyar Amurka (Washington: Ofishin Buga na Gwamnatin Amurka, 1991), 61-62 (quote). A lokacin Kennedy duba Stephen G. Rabe, Wuri Mafi Haɗari A Duniya: John F. Kennedy Ya Fada Da Juyin Juyin Kwaminisanci a Latin Amurka (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 1999), 125-47. Tsoron Amurka na kishin ƙasa na Latin Amurka ya fara tun da farko, duk da haka, kamar yadda David Green ya nuna a ciki Abubuwan da ke cikin Latin Amurka: Tarihin Tatsuniyoyi da Haƙiƙanin Manufar Maƙwabta Mai Kyau (Chicago: Littattafan Quadrangle, 1971). Green ya lura (shafi na 208) cewa a cikin lokacin bayan yaƙi, “Masu sa ido na Amurkawa a Latin Amurka sun sani sarai cewa kishin ƙasa na asali, ba kwaminisanci na duniya ba, shine ainihin barazana ga muradun Amurka a Latin Amurka.” Cf. James Siekmeier, "Yaki da Kishin Kasa Tattalin Arziki: Taimakon Tattalin Arzikin Amurka da Manufar Ci gaba zuwa Latin Amurka, 1953-1961" (Ph.D. diss., Jami'ar Cornell, 1993).
[25] Ofishin Jakadancin Amurka a Bolivia zuwa Sashen Gwamnati, Afrilu 30, 1953, a cikin NARA 59, Fayil na Decimal na Tsakiya, 1950-54, 824.00/4-3053; "Takardar Jagorar Takaitacciyar: Manufofin Amurka zuwa Latin Amurka," Yuli 3, 1961, p. 33; "Barazana ga Sha'awar Tsaron Amurka a Yankin Caribbean," SNIE 80-62, Janairu 17, 1962, p. 212; Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., "Rahoto ga Shugaban Ƙasa kan Ofishin Jakadancin Latin Amurka, Fabrairu 12-Maris 3, 1961" (wanda ba a ƙare ba), 12-13. Takardun uku na ƙarshe duk ana samun su a ciki FRUS, 1961-1963, vol. XII: Jamhuriyar Amurka (Washington, DC: USGPO, 1996).
[26] Daidaitawa, tattaunawa da sauran su, suna da ban mamaki. Don ɗaukar misali ɗaya kawai, a cikin 1879 Janar Philip Sheridan ya yi magana game da bukatar farautar ’yan Indiyawan Cheyenne waɗanda suka tsira daga mummunan yanayin ajiyar kuɗi, yana mai cewa “[a] sai dai idan an mayar da su inda suka fito (ko kashe su), gabaɗayan su. tsarin ajiyar kuɗi zai sami girgiza wanda zai haifar da kwanciyar hankali." Sheridan kuma ya shahara don yaɗa kalmar "Indiyawa mai kyau kaɗai ɗan Indiyawa ne." An nakalto a Dee Brown, Binne Zuciyata a Knee mai Rauni: Tarihin Indiya na Yammacin Amurka (New York: Washington Square Press, 1981), 327-28, 166; cf. shafi na 271, 344.
[27] Duggan an nakalto a cikin Green, Kundin Latin Amurka, 188. Bonsal ga Mataimakin Sakataren Harkokin Wajen Amurka kan Harkokin Inter-American Roy Rubottom, Mayu 20, 1958, a cikin NARA, 59/1162/27/"Bolivia 1958-Chronological-93-Wasika daga Amembassies-Jan.-Yuni." A cikin wannan shekarar, Shugaba Eisenhower ya gaya wa Kwamitin Tsaro na kasa cewa "[da] damuwarsa ita ce muna da yakin ƙiyayya a kanmu (a Gabas ta Tsakiya), ba gwamnatoci ba amma na jama'a ... Jama'a suna kan Nasser's gefe" (wanda aka nakalto a Douglas Little, Orientalism na Amurka: Amurka da Gabas ta Tsakiya tun 1945 [Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 2002], 136). Hukumar ta NSC ta riga ta yi nuni da cewa "muradinmu na tattalin arziki da al'adu a wannan yanki bai sa ba bisa ka'ida ba don rufe dangantakar Amurka da abubuwa a cikin kasashen Larabawa wadanda babban abin da ake bukata shi ne ci gaba da kulla alaka da kasashen Yamma da kuma halin da ake ciki a kasashensu." ; saboda haka "mafi yawan Larabawa" daidai "sun yarda cewa Amurka na neman kare sha'awarta na man fetur na Gabas ta Tsakiya ta hanyar tallafawa halin da ake ciki da kuma adawa da ci gaban siyasa ko tattalin arziki" (wanda aka nakalto a Noam Chomsky's amsa a cikin “Me Yasa Suke So Su Cuce Mu? [Kashi Na Uku],” A cikin wadannan Times, Afrilu 2, 2010). Cf. Salim Yakubu, Ya ƙunshi Ƙasar Larabawa: Rukunan Eisenhower da Gabas ta Tsakiya (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 2004).
[28] A kan ƙirƙirar rukunin mutuwar Colombian ƙarƙashin kulawar Amurka a farkon shekarun 1960 duba Greg Grandin, Taron Bitar Daular: Latin Amurka, Amurka, da Tashi na Sabon Imperialism (New York: Metropolitan, 2006), 96, 98; Dennis M. Rempe, "'Yan Guerrilla, 'Yan bindiga, da Jamhuriya masu zaman kansu: Ƙoƙarin Ƙoƙarin Ƙoƙarin Ƙoƙarin Ta'addancin Amirka a Colombia, 1959-1965," Ƙananan Yaƙe-yaƙe da Tashe-tashen hankula 6, ba. 3 (1995): 304-27; Aviva Chomsky, Tarihin Ma'aikata masu alaƙa: New England, Colombia, da Samar da Ajin Aiki na Duniya (Durham: Duke UP, 2008), 231-40; N. Chomsky, “Shirin Colombia,” 69.
[29] PPS/23: "Bita na Juyin Halitta a Manufofin Harkokin Wajen Amurka," in FRUS, 1948, juzu'i. I (Washington: USGPO, 1974), 524-25.
[30] Dukansu an nakalto a cikin Michael Klare, "Yi RDF, Will Travel: The Brown Doctrine," Nation (Maris 8, 1980), murfin gaba da 263-66. Cf. Grandin, Aikin Daular Empire, 179.
[31] Dangantakar Amurka Latin Amurka: Sabuwar Jagora don Sabuwar Gaskiya (Mayu 2008) (nakalto daga taƙaitawa). An lura da wannan damuwa a cikin 2009 Rahoton Majalisar kan Harkokin Hemispheric ta buga: Sebastián Castañeda, "Harfafa kasancewar sojojin Amurka a Colombia da waɗanda ke da tsoro a kai," Satumba 25, 2009 ("Kare mahimman albarkatun ƙasa, musamman ma'adinan mai, shine tsakiya ga Dabarun tattalin arzikin Amurka a yankin")).
[32] J. Michael McConnell (Daraktan leken asiri na kasa), Tantance Barazana na Shekara-shekara na Daraktan Leken Asiri na Ƙasa na Kwamitin Zaɓar Ƙwararru na Majalisar Dattawa, Fabrairu 5, 2008, p. 34. Sigar 2010, wanda Obama DNI Dennis C. Blair ya gabatar a ranar 2 ga Fabrairu, yana da ɗan ƙaranci game da gwamnatocin masu ra'ayin hagu, musamman na Venezuela Chávez, wanda aka sanya da laifin "aiki don magance tasirin Amurka a Latin Amurka ” (shafi na 43; wasu maganganu daga shafi na 30, 32). Magana ta ƙarshe ta fito ne daga Christopher Sabatini da Jason Marczak, "Tango ta Obama: Maido da Jagorancin Amurka a Latin Amurka," Harkokin Harkokin waje (An buga online ranar 13 ga Janairu, 2010). Marubutan sun yi wannan batu a mahallin bayar da shawarar "mafi ƙarfin jagoranci" daga Amurka a Latin Amurka.
[33] " Jawabin Sakatare Clinton, Ministan Harkokin Wajen Brazil Amorim," Maris 3, 2010, akwai daga gidan yanar gizon america.gov; "Saurari Tabbacin Majalisar Dattijai: Hillary Clinton," New York Times, Janairu 13, 2008; Garry Leech"Manufofin Amurka Game da Venezuela da Colombia Zasu Canza Kadan Karkashin Obama, " Jaridar Colombia, Janairu 20, 2009; Mark Weisbrot, "Venezuela, Barazana Mai Hatsari, " Guardian, Fabrairu 18, 2009.
[34] Takardu daga 2002 da 2007, an nakalto a Jeremy Bigwood, "Sabbin Bincike Ya Bayyana Tsokacin Amurka a Bolivia," UpsideDownWorld.org, Oktoba 13, 2008; Eva Golinger, "Takardu sun Bayyana Tallafin Miliyoyin-Daloli ga 'Yan Jarida da Kafofin watsa labarai a Venezuela," Katunan wasiƙa daga juyin juya halin Musulunci (blog), Yuli 15, 2009; Mataimakin Sakataren Harkokin Wajen Amurka James Steinberg, wanda aka nakalto a Weisbrot, “Venezuela, Barazana Mai Hatsari”; Eva Golinger, "Wikileaks: Takardu sun tabbatar da shirye-shiryen Amurka game da Venezuela," ZNet sharhi, Disamba 20, 2010 (kamar yadda wannan rubutun, ɗaya daga cikin irin wannan takarda, mai suna "A Southern Cone Perspective on Counting Chavez and Reasserting US Leadership," yana samuwa daga http://213.251.145.96/cable/2007/06/07SANTIAGO983.html).
[35] Don taƙaitawa da kimanta manufofin gwamnatin Obama na farko a yankin duba na "Obama da Latin Amurka: Watanni Shida na Farko," Labaran NACLA, Yuli 23, 2009. Tun daga wannan lokacin ba a sami wasu gyare-gyare masu mahimmanci ba. Akan yabon Amurka ga Peru—“dimokradiyya mai bunƙasa,” a cikin kalmomin Obama—duba Lisa Skeen, "Yabon Amurka ga Tattalin Arzikin Peru Ya Rasa Alamar," Labaran NACLA, Satumba 13, 2010.
[36] Majalisar Tsaro ta Kasa, Dabarun Tsaron Ƙasa na Amurka, Maris 2006, p. 25. Godiya ga Michael Schwartz don nuna ni ga wannan tunani.
[37] Stephen Zunus, "Amurka, Bolivia, da Dogara," Takarda Tattaunawar Manufofin Amurka (Washington, DC: Cibiyar Manufofin Duniya, Nuwamba 5, 2007); Zunes, "Amurka da Bolivia: Taming of Juyin Juyin Halitta, 1952-1957," Hanyoyin Latin Amurka 28, a'a. 5 (2001): 33-49.
[38] Sabon Imperialism (New York: Oxford UP, 2003), 26-42.
[39] The Real Ta'addanci Network, 45, 126-32. Kamar yadda binciken biyu na 2010 akan Colombia (a sama, bayanin kula 14-15) ya nuna, taimakon sojan Amurka kuma yana ƙoƙarin haɓaka danniya-ma'ana alaƙar ta samo duka daga gaskiyar cewa farko Rarraba tallafin da Amurka ke bayarwa yana goyon bayan gwamnatocin da ke nuna aniyarsu ta murkushewa, kuma daga gaskiyar cewa taimakon da Amurka ta taba bayarwa a zahiri. yana kara tsananta matsalar.
[40] Domin bitar alkaluman zabukan baya-bayan nan da ke nuna kyamar mutanen Latin Amurka ga yawancin akidar neoliberal, duba nawa. "Latinobarómetro 2010: Ra'ayin Jama'ar Latin Amurka," ZNet, Disamba 7, 2010, da kuma sakamakon zaben da ya gabata da ake magana a kai a cikin bayanin kula na 3 na waccan labarin. Neoliberalism wanda ya fara mamaye duniya a tsakiyar shekarun 1970 an fahimci shi da kyau a matsayin wani nau'i mai muni na jari-hujja na kamfanoni, kuma wanda ke da abubuwan tarihi da yawa tun kafin shekarun 1970; ba ta wakiltar wani sabon al'amari ko dabara daga bangaren masu tsara manufofi.
[41] Ko da yake ba na mayar da hankali a nan ba, akwai muhimmiyar dangantaka tsakanin neoliberalism, samar da kwayoyi, da kuma soja; Babban abin da ake dangantawa da alama shi ne, yayin da neoliberalism ya lalata tattalin arzikin cikin gida, masu samar da magunguna sun shiga don cike gibin, don haka samar da karin hujja ga yakin da Amurka ke jagoranta. Daban-daban nau'ikan "rashin zaman lafiya" wanda neoliberalism ya tsananta - daga zanga-zangar, zuwa laifukan tituna, zuwa samar da magunguna masu yawa - sannan a cikin nau'i ɗaya, a kalla a cikin magana, tare da ma'anar cewa dole ne a kawar da su ta hanyar soja da 'yan sanda. aiki. Greg Grandin ya lura cewa “zagayowar tashe-tashen hankula [da suka shafi magunguna] yana ƙarfafa ta ta hanyar saurin yaɗuwar hakar ma’adinai, samar da wutar lantarki, man fetur da man fetur, waɗanda ke yin barna ga yanayin muhalli na gida, guba da ƙasa da ruwa, da kuma buɗe kasuwannin ƙasa don Masana'antar noma ta Amurka, wacce ke lalata tattalin arzikin cikin gida. Matsugunin da ya biyo baya ko dai ya haifar da barazanar aikata laifuka iri-iri da yakin da ake yi don tunkarar ko tada zanga-zanga, wanda masu daukar fansa ke ba da ikon yaki" ("Muscling Latin America").
[42] "Clinton: Confusiones peligrosas," Satumba 9, 2010.
[43] A Colombia duba bayanin kula 11-13 a sama da Mario A. Murillo, "Tarihi Ya Maimaita Kansa Ga Al'ummomin Yan Asalin Da Aka Kai Hari A Kolombiya," Labaran NACLA, Oktoba 15, 2008; Peru: Kristina Aiello "Bagua, Peru: Shekara Daya Bayan," Labaran NACLA, Yuni 25, 2010; Honduras: Linda Cooper da James Hodge, "Shugaban juyin mulkin Honduras ya kammala karatun SOA sau biyu," Katolika na Katolika, Yuni 29, 2009; Ƙungiyoyin Mexico: James D. Cockroft, "Mexico: 'Ƙasashen Kasa,' Sabbin Yaƙe-yaƙe, Juriya," Bincike a cikin watanni 62, ba. 6 (Nuwamba 2010), 37.
[44] Stimson aka nakalto a cikin Green, Kundin Latin Amurka, 230; NSC da aka nakalto a cikin N. Chomsky, "Militarizing Latin America." Kamar yadda Noam Chomsky ya lura a wani wuri, masu tsara shirye-shiryen Amurka sukan “sanin cewa tsaron Amurka yana buƙatar cikakken iko… Kamar yadda kowace Mafia Don ta sani, ko da ƙarancin kulawar na iya haifar da buɗe tsarin mulkin kamar yadda ake ƙarfafa wasu su bi irin wannan. hanyar" ("Tsaro da Sarrafa I," ZNet, Satumba 16, 2010). Cf. bayanin kula 25-26 a sama.
[45] An nakalto a cikin Grandin, "Muscling Latin America." Cf. Haugaard, et al., Jiran Canji, 4.
[46] Kamar yadda Sanata William Fulbright ya lura a lokacin zamanin Vietnam, "Miliyoyin Amurkawa waɗanda kawai sha'awar su shine yin rayuwa mai kyau sun sami sha'awar tattalin arziƙin da aka keɓe don yaƙi… ” An nakalto a cikin Hossein-Zadeh, Tattalin Arzikin Siyasa na Sojojin Amurka (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), 15. Cf. Melman, Pentagon Capitalism: Tattalin Arzikin Siyasa na War (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1970).
[47] Magana daga Rundunar Sojan Sama Janar Hoyt S. Vandenberg, yana magana a cikin 1947, wanda aka ambata a cikin Green, Kundin Latin Amurka, 260. Kididdigar makamai da aka karbo daga Gaskiya kawai yanar. A kan zaɓe don Shirin Kolombiya duba Cibiyar Mutuncin Jama'a, "The Helicopter War," ba tare da kwanan wata ba, da majiyoyin da aka ambata a cikin N. Chomsky, “Shirin Colombia,” 77. A Mexico duba Laura Carlsen, "Majalisa da Majalisar Dattijai sun Ƙaddamar da Sabon Taimakon Soja zuwa Mexico," Shirin Amurka (sake bugawa akan UpsideDownWorld.org), Mayu 18, 2009.
[48] Seth G. Jones da Martin C. Libicki, Yadda Ƙungiyoyin 'Yan Ta'adda Suke Ƙarshen: Darussan Yaki da Al Qa'ida (Kamfanin RAND, 2008). Masana daban-daban sun lura cewa gwamnatin Amurka ta ƙara himma "don jujjuya tsokar sojanta a matsayin kawai cikakkiyar ikon da ta bari" (Harvey, Sabon Imperialism, 77).
[49] Noam Chomsky, Jihohin da suka gaza: Cin Zarafi da Cin Hanci da Demokradiyya (New York: Metropolitan, 2006), 35.
[50] Friedman ya nakalto a cikin David Swanson, Yakin Yaqi ne (Charlottesville, VA, 2010), 187; Wani jami'in Burtaniya ya nakalto a cikin David Remnick, "Yaki Ba tare da Ƙarshe ba?" New Yorker (Afrilu 21, 2003).
[51] An nakalto a cikin Swanson, Yakin Yaqi ne, 184.
[52] <> Amma duk da haka a ɗaya daga cikin abubuwan ban mamaki na tarihin kwanan nan, fifikon sojan Amurka na duniya ya ba ta damar cinye Iraki ko Afghanistan.
[53] Grandin, "Muscling Latin America" (ciki har da ambaton NAFTA daga jami'in Amurka); Kevin Alvarez, "Yaƙin Drug: Zuwa ga 'Tsarin Amurka ta Tsakiya,'" Labaran NACLA, Oktoba 28, 2010.
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