Source: Jacobin
Masana ilimin kimiyya, suna neman bayani game da fashewar rashin daidaito a cikin 'yan shekarun nan, sun kuma gano yin amfani da kasuwanci a matsayin mai laifi. Don haka, a cikin littafinsu mai tasirin gaske Nasara-Dauki Duk Siyasa, Jacob Hacker da Paul Pierson sun yi iƙirarin cewa fashewar lobbying tun daga shekarun 1970 ya yi galaba a kan ma'aikata da sauran ƙungiyoyin sha'awa. Wannan ya haifar da sauye-sauyen manufofin da suka taimaka wajen rarraba dukiya zuwa sama, da kuma tabarbarewar masu matsakaicin ra'ayi, a lokacin tsarin mulkin neoliberal.
Babban tasirin wannan tsararru shine rage ma'anar sukar siyasar mu. Idan ikon aji da farko sakamako ne na zaɓen kasuwanci, to babban makasudin masu ci gaba da na Hagu yakamata su dawo da tsarin dimokuradiyya na “al'ada” ta hanyar iyakance tasirin kasuwanci akan zaɓaɓɓun wakilai. Wannan zai ba da damar manufar "pendulum" ta koma baya ga aiki kuma ta ba da izinin aiwatar da manufofin ma'aikata. Jiha, daga wannan ra'ayi, ainihin alkali ne mara son kai, yana daidaita muradun kungiyoyin masu ruwa da tsaki.
Maimakon yin abin da wasu 'yan jari-hujja kawai suke yi, jihar tana tsara 'yan jari-hujja a cikin hadin kai class.
Wannan labari mai sassaucin ra'ayi galibi tatsuniya ce. Ƙarfin jari ba ya dogara ne akan zaɓen kamfanoni amma an gina shi a cikin DNA na jihar. A haƙiƙa, jihar tana taka rawar da babu makawa a ciki na rayayye tsara ikon ajin jari-hujja. Kasuwancin daidaikun mutane suna motsa su ne ta hanyar buƙatun yin gasa da kuma ƙara yawan ribar nasu, ba ta faɗuwar damuwa ba. Saboda haka, "ƙasa mai cin gashin kansa" ya zama dole don yin aiki a cikin dogon lokaci na tsarin gaba ɗaya. Maimakon yin abin da wasu 'yan jari-hujja kawai suke yi, jihar tana tsara 'yan jari-hujja a cikin hadin kai class.
Ta wannan hanyar, jihar tana aiki madadin of babban jari, idan ba lallai ba ne a ta umarni. Koyaya, dole ne kuma ta gina tallafi daga kasuwanci don manufofin da take tasowa. Kamar yadda na nuna a cikin littafina Jari-hujja na Kamfanoni da Ƙasar Haɗin Kai: Janar Electric da Ƙarni na Ƙarfin Amirka, hanya ɗaya ta yin hakan ita ce ta hanyar kafa ƙungiyoyi masu fafutuka. Irin waɗannan ƙungiyoyi ba wai kawai suna ba da ra'ayi ne don buƙatun kasuwanci na farko ba amma har ma wuraren da jihar ke gina yarjejeniya game da muradun jari. Don haka, suna daga cikin “haɗin kai,” wanda ikon jiha ya wuce cibiyoyin gwamnati don haɗa ƙungiyoyin jama'a.
Littafin ya bi diddigin rawar da General Electric (GE) ke takawa a tsakiyar wannan jaha mai ma'ana har zuwa karni na farko na jari-hujja na kamfanoni na Amurka. Kamar yadda ya nuna, kamfanin ya hada kai da jami'an jihar don kafa Majalisar Kasuwanci, Kasuwancin Kasuwanci, Kwamitin Ci Gaban Tattalin Arziki (CED), da sauran manyan kungiyoyin zaure. Shugabanninta sun yi aiki a cikin waɗannan tarurrukan don tsara tallafin kamfanoni don Sabuwar Yarjejeniyar, shirye-shiryen samar da lokacin yaƙi, rage kuɗin fito da ciniki cikin 'yanci, da kuma kula da albashi da farashin da aka aiwatar a lokacin rikicin 1970s - da kuma sauye-sauyen neoliberal wanda zai kawo ƙarshensa, da ƙari. gina daular daular duniya.
Babban Damuwa, Yaƙin Duniya, da Daular Duniya
A lokacin faduwar kasuwa ta 1929, GE ya riga ya fita daga inuwar JP Morgan ya zama ɗaya daga cikin farkon masu sarrafa behemoths. A lokaci guda, manajojin sa sun taka rawar gani a cikin Majalisar Shawarar Kasuwanci, wanda Franklin Roosevelt ya kirkira a cikin Sashen Kasuwanci don gina tushe tsakanin kasuwanci don Sabuwar Yarjejeniyar. Ko da yake goyon bayan wadannan gyare-gyare a tsakanin babban birnin kasar ya kasance bakin ciki - a wasu lokuta babu shi - shugabannin GE sun yi aiki don shawo kan 'yan jari hujja cewa sun zama dole don ceton tsarin da kuma kawo karshen raƙuman gwagwarmaya daga ƙasa.
Matsayin GE a cikin masu fafutuka na sabbin masu gudanar da aikin ya kara bayyana a cikin muhimmiyar rawar da yake takawa a cikin tsarin kamfanoni na jihohi don tsara samar da yakin duniya na biyu. Yayin da shugaban GE Charles Wilson ya zama mafi mahimmanci a kan Hukumar Samar da Yaki, shi ma ya kasance mai mahimmanci wajen kafa kwamitin bunkasa tattalin arziki. Wannan na biyun yana da nufin ba da tallafi a tsakanin masu ra'ayin jari-hujja wadanda galibi ba sa son samar da tsarin tsarin tattalin arziki da jihohi ke jagoranta da kuma karfafa rukunin masana'antu na soja na dindindin bayan an kawo karshen tashin hankali.
Da'awar cewa rukunin soja-masana'antu sun "kama" jihar, wanda ya tilasta ta shiga cikin rikici maras amfani don bunkasa tallace-tallacen makamai, kuskure ne. Tun da tsarin jari-hujja ba ya sarrafa samar da tattalin arziki kai tsaye, ta dogara ga kamfanoni don samar da kayayyaki da fasahohin da suka dace don kiyaye daular duniya. Lallai, abin da ya fi daukar hankali game da shirin Amurka ga daularta ta baya-bayan nan shi ne yadda ta kasance mai cin gashin kanta daga kasuwanci. A halin yanzu, Majalisar Harkokin Harkokin Waje ta kasance dandalin haɓaka fahimtar juna game da "sha'awar kasa" tsakanin masu tsara jihohi da shugabannin kamfanoni, ciki har da GE's Phillip Reed, a cikin sabon tsarin duniya da Amurka ke jagoranta.
Da'awar cewa rukunin sojoji da masana'antu sun 'kame' jihar, wanda ya tilasta mata shiga cikin rikici mara amfani don bunkasa tallace-tallacen makamai, ba daidai ba ne.
A haƙiƙa, babban birnin ƙasar ya yi jinkirin tallafawa matakan harajin lokacin zaman lafiya da ba a taɓa ganin irinsa ba wanda sabuwar ƙasar masarautar ke buƙata. Har ila yau, ya kasance mai tsananin shakku game da babban - kuma mai tsada - ƙoƙarin sake gina manyan abokan hamayyar masana'antu na Amurka ta hanyar Shirin Marshall. Musamman abin da ya shafi kasuwanci shi ne tsauraran matakan rage harajin kwastam da jami'an ma'aikatar harkokin wajen Amurka suka bayar. Wadannan tsoro sun kasance masu fahimta, kamar yadda kasuwancin Amurka ya bunkasa tun karni na goma sha tara bayan abin da ke cikin mafi girman haraji a duniya.
A cikin wannan mahallin, Ma'aikatar Harkokin Wajen ta yi aiki don gina goyon bayan kasuwanci don Shirin Marshall, yayin da Baitulmali ya jagoranci jagorancin tsara yarjejeniya game da tsarin cinikayya na Bretton Woods. Sakamakon zazzafar husuma da jami'an jihar suka yi, wanda GE's Phillip Reed ya goyi bayan, CED ta fito a matsayin tushen tallafi na farko na waɗannan matakan. Shigar da Reed ya yi ya kasance abin lura musamman, tunda a lokacin jihar ta fara kaddamar da wani harin ta'addanci wanda ya ruguza hanyar sadarwar katels GE da ta gina sama da rabin karni don sarrafa kasuwannin kayan aikin lantarki na duniya.
Don kawar da matsin lamba na masu ba da kariya a cikin dogon lokaci, jami'an jihohi da abokan haɗin gwiwar kamfanoni sun yi aiki don mayar da hankali kan manufofin kasuwanci a tsakanin hukumomin zartarwa waɗanda ke da kariya daga matsin lamba. Abubuwan takaicin da wannan ya haifar sun bayyana a cikin koma baya ga ƙarin zagaye na rage harajin kuɗin fito a cikin shekarun John F. Kennedy, yayin da kasuwancin ke da'awar damuwa da ƙin yarda da shi ba a ji ba - musamman kamar yadda irin waɗannan yarjejeniyoyin ke ƙara rufe hanyoyin har ma na wucin gadi "taimakon daidaita kasuwanci. ”
Nisa daga ɗora wa jihar da ba ta dace ba ta hanyar neman kasuwanci, hukumomin jihar sun ci gaba da yin aiki don riƙe yarjejeniya ta 'yanci ta kasuwanci mai girgiza cikin sauran ƙarni.
Neoliberalism da Kasuwancin Roundtable
Yayin da bunkasuwar bayan yakin ya ragu a karshen shekarun 1960, kungiyoyin masu fafutuka na kara matse ribar kamfanoni, lamarin da ke haifar da raguwar saka hannun jari da tabarbarewar tattalin arziki - rikicin da ake kira "stagflation". A cikin shekaru goma na rikicin na 1970s, jami'an jihohi sun yi ƙoƙari don tsara dabarun maido da horon aiki. Yayin da gwamnatocin Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford, da Jimmy Carter suka yi fumbled tare da tilas, sannan kuma na son rai, albashi- da tsare-tsaren kula da farashi, waɗannan yunƙurin sun kasance daga farkon. A hankali ya bayyana a fili cewa sakewa mai zurfi ya zama dole.
Koyaya, kasuwanci ko jihar ba su da ma'anar yadda za a ci gaba. A cikin wannan mahallin, sakataren baitul mali John Connally da shugaban babban bankin tarayya Arthur Burns sun gana da GE Reginald Jones da John Harper na Alcoa inda suka bukace su da su kafa wata babbar kungiya don hada kai da jami'an jihar kan neman hanyar fita daga cikin rikici da kuma kara kaimi. tallafin kasuwanci don kula da albashi da farashi yayin da za'a iya ƙirƙira wani madadin. Wannan ya haifar da samar da Roundtable na Kasuwanci a cikin 1971. Ya ƙunshi shugabannin manyan kamfanoni kawai daga manyan kamfanoni, gidan siyasa ne.
Maimakon bayar da shawarwari ga ajanda da aka riga aka yi, Roundtable ya yi aiki tare da jami'an jihar don ci gaba manufofin da tattara membobinta don tallafawa waɗannan matakan. Wannan tsarin haɗin gwiwar ya bambanta shi da sauran ƙungiyoyin kasuwanci. Don haka ko da a hankali 'yan kasuwa da jama'a suka bijire wa albashi da sarrafa farashi, Roundtable ya ci gaba da tallafa musu a matsayin mafi ƙarancin mugayen halaye. Yayin da jami'an jihohi da na Roundtable duk sun nemi komawa kasuwanni, buƙatar sanya ladabtarwa ya sa hakan ba zai yiwu ba - musamman yadda hauhawar farashin kayayyaki ke yin illa ga amincewar ƙasashen duniya kan dala.
A ƙarshe, za a warware rikicin ta hanyar dabaru biyu: haɓaka ƙimar ruwa don injiniya koma bayan tattalin arziki, da ƙarin dunƙulewar duniya. Ba da daɗewa ba bayan zama shugaban Reserve na Tarayya a 1979, Paul Volcker ya haura yawan kuɗin ruwa zuwa matakan da ba a taɓa gani ba, wanda ya haifar da koma bayan tattalin arziki da rashin aikin yi. Ko da yake kasuwanci da jihar sun nemi kauce wa radadi da rashin tabbas na koma bayan tattalin arziki tsawon shekaru goma, a karshe ya bayyana a fili cewa babu wata hanyar da ta dace don maido da tarbiyyar aji. Kuma ya yi aiki.
"Volcker Shock" ya mai da hankali sosai kan manufofin tattalin arziki a cikin babban bankin tarayya mai cin gashin kansa. Har ila yau, ya share fagen ci gaba da dunkulewar duniya, ta hanyar kawar da shingen safarar jari, da bude ma'aikata masu karancin albashi na sassan duniya, don cin gajiyar su. Duk da cewa halaccin kasuwancin yunƙurin da jihohi ke yi na neman ciniki cikin 'yanci ya kai ƙaranci a cikin shekaru goma na rikicin na shekarun 1970, a ƙarshe jihar ta yi nasarar shawo kan shakku daga zamanin Kennedy, tare da kiyaye sojojin kariya.
Don yin haka, ya ƙirƙiri tsarin ba da shawarwari na kasuwanci na ikon da ba a taɓa gani ba a cikin Sashen Kasuwanci, wanda ya ƙunshi kamfanoni daga ko'ina cikin tattalin arzikin. Koyaya, ainihin ma'aikatan wutar lantarki sun kasance cikin aminci da nisa daga nesa, a cikin sabon Ofishin Wakilin Kasuwancin Amurka. Daga baya, don goyan bayan zartar da yarjejeniyar, Carter ya kafa Majalisar Fitarwa ta Shugaban kasa, wanda GE's Jones ke jagoranta kuma ya ƙunshi shuwagabannin kasuwanci da membobin Majalisa da kuma wakilcin ƙungiyar kasuwanci. Ko da yake ga alama ƙungiyoyin “shawarwari” ne, an fahimci manufar waɗannan ƙungiyoyin sun haɗa da ƙarfafa yarjejeniya ta ciniki tsakanin 'yan kasuwa.
A karshen shekarun 1970, wadannan yunƙurin sun yi nasarar samar da isassun goyon baya don kawar da babban birnin Bretton Woods da sarrafa musaya da kuma samar da sabuwar duniya ta tara babban birnin kasar. Ƙarfin kuɗi, wanda aka riga aka furta ta 1970s, ya zama mafi mahimmanci, tare da ikon horar da masana'antu. Duk da haka ƙungiyoyin jahohi masu haɗin gwiwa - musamman na Roundtable - sun sami damar yin haɗin gwiwa tare da rashin daidaituwa tsakanin waɗannan "ɓangarorin" babban birnin kasar, waɗanda za a haɗa su cikin shekaru masu sassaucin ra'ayi.
Dabarun gurguzu da Jiha
Sabanin fahimta na gama-gari, haɓakar ɗaiɗaikun ɗaiɗaikun ɗaiɗaikun ɗaiɗaikun ɗaiɗaikun ɗaiɗaikun ɗaiɗaikun ɗaiɗaikun ɗabi'a ya samo asali ne daga ba da ra'ayin kamfanoni ko jami'an jihohi da ke ƙoƙarin aiwatar da koyarwar tattalin arzikin Friedrich von Hayek ko Milton Friedman. Maimakon haka, ainihin fakitin manufofin neoliberal - rushewa, rage haraji, rage shirye-shiryen jin dadin jama'a, hada-hadar kudi, da dunkulewar duniya - an kai ga dogon bincike don neman hanyar maido da tarbiyyar aji, cikin rashin tabbas. Neoliberalism ya fito ba daga kwakwalwar jami'an gwamnati ko masana tattalin arziki masu ra'ayin mazan jiya ba, amma daga ƙwaƙƙwaran gwagwarmayar aji.
Kawo ƙarshen ra'ayin sassaucin ra'ayi don haka ya ƙunshi fiye da gamsar da jami'an jihohi don karanta ƙarin John Maynard Keynes. Maimakon haka, karya tare da manufofin lalata muhalli da zamantakewa na shekaru arba'in da suka gabata yana buƙatar canza ma'auni na dakarun aji. Yayin da nasara ko gyare-gyaren zaɓe da aka yi da nufin taƙaita ɓangarorin kamfanoni na iya taimakawa wajen samar da sarari don wannan, faɗaɗa kuma zurfafa haɗin kai na tushen aji ya zama dole don ƙalubalantar neoliberalism - wanda da farko yana nufin karya tare da dunƙulewar duniya.
Neoliberalism ya fito ba daga kwakwalwar jami'an gwamnati ko masana tattalin arziki masu ra'ayin mazan jiya ba, amma daga ƙwaƙƙwaran gwagwarmayar aji.
Wannan shi ne lamarin musamman tun lokacin da haɗin gwiwar kuɗi da masana'antu a yau ya sa ba zai yiwu ba a ware kudi ta hanyar gano shi a matsayin dalilin "mummunan jari-hujja" (wanda ya saba da masana'antu "mai kyau"). Hakan dai ba wai saboda nasarar kokarin da jihohi ke samu na yin sulhu a tsakanin wadannan sassa ba ne, har ma da irin tsarin da aka yi wa kamfanonin masana'antu da kansu, wanda hakan kudi ya yi fice a cikinta. A yau, ƙungiyoyin saka hannun jari suna tafiyar da kamfanonin masana'antu yadda ya kamata kuma suna ƙara kama da cibiyoyin kuɗi - wanda ya ƙarfafa gasa da ƙarin matsin lamba don haɓaka riba.
Ko da yake ana iya yin nisa idan aka yi la'akari da raunin Hagu da ma'aikata, aikin da ake yi na tabbatar da mulkin demokraɗiyya a yau ya wuce iyakance wasu hanyoyi don kasuwanci don yin tasiri ga wasu jami'ai. Abin da ake kira, a maimakon haka, shi ne kawo sauyi mai zurfi na cibiyoyin gwamnati, ta yadda a maimakon sarrafa tsarin jari-hujja, sai su zama sassan tsarin tattalin arzikin gurguzu da aka tsara ta hanyar demokradiyya. gyare-gyaren daidaikun mutane na iya zama da amfani, amma dole ne su kasance wani ɓangare na babban aikin babban ƙalubalen tsari matakin - a ƙarshe da nufin maye gurbin ikon tattalin arziki na sirri tare da shiga dimokuradiyya.
gyare-gyaren mutum ɗaya dole ne ya kasance wani ɓangare na babban aikin babban ƙalubale a a tsari matakin - a ƙarshe da nufin maye gurbin ikon tattalin arziki na sirri tare da shiga dimokuradiyya.
Yayin da muke ketare daya bayan daya, kalubalantar ikon babban jari ba hanya ce kawai zuwa ga rashin tabbas ba amma ya zama dole don tabbatar da rayuwar dan adam. Amma duk da haka wannan mummunan yanayi yana ba mu dama ta musamman don ƙirƙirar makomar gurguzu. Dabarar gurguzu don magance wannan rikici yakamata ta yi nufin ɗaukar iyakoki na kamfanoni masu zaman kansu ƙarƙashin ikon jama'a da tura su cikin buƙatun zamantakewa da muhalli.
Sai kawai ta hanyar dimokiradiyyar jiha, irin wannan yanke shawara kan abin da muke samarwa da kuma yadda za su zama batutuwan shawarwarin dimokuradiyya maimakon ikon kamfanoni da tsarin kasuwa, za mu iya fatan samar da makoma mai daraja.
Stephen Maher shine mataimakin editan jaridar Rajista na Socialist kuma marubucin Jari-hujja na Kamfanoni da Ƙasar Haɗin Kai: Janar Electric da Ƙarni na Ƙarfin Amirka (Palgrave, 2022). A halin yanzu shi abokin karatun digiri ne a Jami'ar Ontario Tech.
ZNetwork ana samun kuɗi ta hanyar karimcin masu karatun sa.
Bada Tallafi