(* An buga sigar wannan takaddar asali azaman Babi na 10 a cikin David Chandler, Ed., Sake Tunanin Haƙƙin Dan Adam: Mahimman Hanyoyi zuwa Siyasar Duniya (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), shafi na 196-216.)
MALA'IKU masu ramawa halin ɗabi'a: SABON 'YAN CRUUSADIYA DAN ADAM
A CIKIN YAKIN KOSOVO DA SABON DOKAR DUNIYA
Daga Edward S. Herman da David Peterson
Sashi na I: Gabatarwa
Operation Allied Force, yakin da NATO ta yi da Yugoslavia a 1999, ba aikin da'a ba ne, ko dai bisa manufar manajoji ko kuma a hakikanin tasirinsa. Gaskiya ne, an gudanar da yakin ne da sunan wani aikin jin kai a madadin Albaniyawan Kosovo da kuma daukar fansa kan zaluncin da ake zargin Sabiya ta yi musu a farkon harin bam, ko kuma “domin kare dubban mutanen da ba su ji ba ba su gani ba a cikin su. Kosovo daga hare-haren soji," kamar yadda shugaban Amurka ya fada a farkon yakin (Clinton, 1999a). Amma duk da cewa yakin ya sami babban goyon baya a duk cikin ikon kungiyar ta NATO saboda gwamnati da masu yada farfagandar yada labarai da suka cusa imani da yawa game da sahihancin manufofinsa na ɗabi'a, [1] manufofin da aka bayyana sun ci karo da yanayin hukumomi na jihohi masu gabatar da kara. Yaƙi da nau'ikan dakarun da ke ƙayyade manufofin jihohi gabaɗaya, ta hanyar tabbataccen shaidar da ke akwai na ɗayan, ba ta ɗan adam ta ƙare tsara manufofin NATO, [2] ta tarihi da halayen manyan ikon NATO, kuma, mafi mahimmanci. duka, ta ainihin sakamakon yakin.
Babu wata ƙasa da ke da ɗabi'a, musamman ma ba wani babban ƙarfi wajen aiwatar da manufofinta na ketare. Sabanin haka, jihohi da manufofinsu galibi suna yin su ne da muradun tattalin arziki da siyasa da la’akari da dabaru, ba dabi’u na mutuntaka ba; kuma mafi girman ikon da wata ƙasa ke da shi don yin nasara a fagen duniya, yin ganima, mahauta, da cin zarafi da sunan ƙarya na ramuwar gayya, yadda wannan ya kasance gaskiya (Gilpin, 1987; Amin, 1994; Kolko, 1994: 373-451). ). Lokacin da wasu rikice-rikicen jin kai a duniya suka sami kulawa mai yawa a cikin al'umma, kuma gwamnati ta mayar da martani ga su, kamar yadda gwamnatin Amurka da sauran kasashen kungiyar tsaro ta NATO suka yi ikirarin yi game da rikicin Kosovo a 1998-1999. , Ya zama dole a koyaushe a bincika ainihin abubuwan da ke haifar da wannan kulawa, wanda a kai a kai ya zama mai hidima ga manyan abubuwan da suka shafi kayan aiki da na siyasa ba maraba ga hukumomin tsara manufofin ba, maimakon matsalolin jin kai. Sabanin haka, ana iya yin magana iri ɗaya dangane da rashin kula da wasu rikice-rikicen jin kai a wasu ƙasashe, inda ba da hankali sosai ga jama'a da kuma martanin da gwamnati ta ba su na kwatankwacin matakin da za su kasance masu adawa da waɗannan manufofin tsara manufofin. Don haka, alal misali, ba tsarin zaɓi na bazuwar ko ma'aunin dangi na rikicin bil adama ko cin zarafi na ɗan adam a kowane hali ba ya isa ya isa ya bayyana manyan jami'an Babban Power', kafofin watsa labarai, da kuma daidaitaccen sakaci na New Humanitarians game da yawan jama'a. kashe-kashe da kawar da kabilanci da aka yi wa al'ummar Kurdawa a Turkiyya a cikin shekarun 1990 ko Gabashin Timore da sojojin Indonesiya suka dauki nauyin yi a 1998-1999, da kuma tsananin mayar da hankalinsu kan ta'addancin 'yancin dan Adam a tsohuwar Yugoslavia, 1991-2001.[3].
Daga cikin sabbin 'yan agajin da suka kunshi batun wannan babi, yakin NATO a kan Kosovo an gudanar da shi a matsayin misali mai mahimmanci na shiga tsakani na "dan adam", ba kome ba face "maido da Kosovars zuwa ƙasarsu," Geoffrey Robertson ya rubuta, Nasarar "babban ɗan adam", tare da ikon NATO suna nuna " kulawar da ba a taɓa gani ba ga yin biyayya ga dokokin yaƙi" (Robertson, 2000: 414).[4] Amma rikicin Kosovo a haƙiƙa shine na huɗu a cikin jerin farar hula (watau. ciki) yaƙe-yaƙe da aka gwabza akan makomar tsarin tarayyar Yugoslavia ta tsohuwar ƙasar, da yancin da jamhuriyar ke da shi na shelanta ƴancin kai daga gare ta, da kuma haƙƙin ƙabilun ƙabilun da ke cikin waɗannan jamhuriyoyin na zabar ƙasar da za su zama ƴan ƙasa[5]. Kuma ko da yake New Humanitarians sun nuna damuwa da waɗannan rikice-rikice na cikin gida da yawa a matsayin abubuwan da ba su da yawa fiye da "yaƙe-yaƙe na Serb" (Ramet, 1999: ) ko ma Babban Ƙarfin Serb (watau, a matsayin m, yaƙe-yaƙe na yankuna fiye da na ciki). ko yakin basasa, wanda aka kaddamar daga Belgrade a kan sabbin iyakokin duniya da Slobodan Milosevic da 'yan uwansa Serbs suka yi, ko kuma abin da ke cikin jerin tuhumar Milosevic. et al. don laifuka a Bosnia-Herzegovina da Kotun Hukunta Manyan Laifukan Duniya na Tsohuwar Yugoslavia ta fitar ta kira "kamfanin hadin gwiwar aikata laifuka" na "kore da karfi da dindindin na yawancin wadanda ba Sabiyawa ba, musamman Musulmin Bosnia da Bosnia Croats, daga manyan yankunan Jamhuriya” (ICTY, 2001: sakin layi na 6), amma ba kamar yadda tsarin mulki ya yi takara ba game da makomar tsohuwar Tarayyar ko kuma ‘yancin ’yan jam’iyyun da ke rikici da juna na zabar sabuwar jiha da za su zauna), abin da Kotun Koli ta Amurka ta yanke a 1862. Shawarar shari'o'in lambar yabo ta gaskiya ba wai kawai matsayin 'yan tawaye a yakin basasar Amurka ba, har ma da yaƙe-yaƙe game da wargajewar Yugoslavia mai haɗin kai: "Yaƙin basasa koyaushe yana farawa ta hanyar tawaye ga ikon gwamnati" - daidai. abin da ake gwabzawa tsakanin jamhuriyoyin da suka balle da kuma ragowar jamhuriyar gurguzu ta Yugoslavia a lokacin 1989-1992. Wannan hukuncin Kotun Koli ya ci gaba da cewa: “Lokacin da jam’iyyar da ke tawaye suka mamaye wani yanki na yanki kuma suka ci gaba da yin gaba; sun ayyana 'yancin kansu; sun yi watsi da mubaya'arsu; sun shirya runduna; sun fara yaki da tsohon shugabansu, duniya ta amince da su a matsayin mayaka kuma fafatawar yaki ce….Saboda haka muna da ra'ayin cewa shugaban kasa yana da hakki. jire belli, don kafa shingen tashar jiragen ruwa a mallakin jihohi a cikin tawaye, wanda masu tsaka-tsakin ya kamata su yi la'akari" (a cikin Wright, 1971: 43).[6]. Babu shakka, mahangar guda ɗaya ta shafi haƙƙoƙi da ayyuka na jagorancin Tarayyar Yugoslavia, ca. 1991-92.
A cikin shekaru goma da suka gabata da kuma yanzu cikin wannan kuma, Sabbin 'Yan Agaji sun taimaka wajen kafa sunansu. as Sabbin 'yan agaji kusan ba su keɓanta yaƙe-yaƙe na zubar da jini a kan makomar Yugoslavia (kuma zuwa ƙaramin digiri a kan kisan gillar 1994 a Ruwanda). Don haka, sabanin Sabon ‘Yan Adam, menene ainihin yake-yake kan makomar Yugoslavia?
Maganganun Yugoslavia (watau “South Slav”) ga wannan yanki na Kudu maso Gabashin “matsalar ƙasa”—Yugoslavia “matsalar shekara-shekara” da kuma matsalar da ba za a iya warwarewa ba—ta kasance mai wahala koyaushe. "Rashin kasa, ko kasadar gazawa, don kula da jihar [haɗin kai, Tarayya] cikin tsawon shekaru [bakwai] na wanzuwar ƙasar ya kasance mai yuwuwar kasancewa a yanzu," Lenard Cohen da Paul Warwick ya rubuta a cikin wani muhimmin littafi mai mahimmanci amma ɗan ƙaramin karatu. game da raunin tarihi na dangantakar ƙabilanci a ƙasar. A tarihi—amma musamman tun bayan kisan kiyashin da aka yi a Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu—Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, da lardin Kosovo na Serbia—kuma lura cewa waɗannan za su kasance yankuna uku da aka fi fama da zubar jini a cikin 1990s—duk sun kasance “yankunan manyan rarrabuwar kawuna" da "masu zaman kansu na laifukan siyasa," wato, laifukan siyasa a ma'anar laifukan siyasa "mai adawa da juyin juya hali", ko laifukan kishin kasa a kan manufar Yugoslavia.[7] Ga Yugoslavia, zaman lafiyar kabilanci (watau tsakanin "al'ummai" shida da aka amince da su a hukumance[8]) ya kasance "'yan tsirarun siyasa ne suka kirkiro su," tare da shugabancin Jam'iyyar Kwaminisanci da saninsa "cewa gazawar jam'i na tsaka-tsaki ne da kuma yawan jama'a. - tsarin jam'iyya don magance matsalar kasa wanda ya haifar da tashin hankali na kabilanci a lokacin yakin duniya na biyu ...." A cikin taƙaitaccen tarihin Yugoslavia, Cohen da Warwick sun kammala, haɗin kan kabilanci "ya kasance wani abu ne na maganganun jam'iyya, da juyin juya halin ma'aikata, da sake fasalin hukumomi, fiye da sakamakon haɗin gwiwar siyasa na gaskiya ko haɓaka haɗin kai a tsakanin sassa daban-daban na jama'a" (Cohen da Warwick, 1983: 146-162).
Wannan daɗaɗɗen yanayi, ƙabilanci na al'amura shine abin da ya ba da alamar tarihi da ƙamus wanda kowane yaƙe-yaƙe na wargajewar Yugoslavia ya fito a bayan Tito (Mayu 1980-), bayan tsawan shekaru goma (yanzu haka) tsawon shekaru ashirin) tabarbarewar tattalin arziki da rikice-rikicen tsarin mulki na lokacin 1989-1992 (Cohen, 1995: 45-77; Woodward, 1995b: 339-392; Hayden, 1999a) — a zahiri, de a zahiri shine mutuwar Tarayyar Yugoslavia a cikin jumhuriya hudu, tare da de jure Rayuwar cibiyoyinta a can da sauran ragowar Tarayyar Turai, da farko Slovenia da Croatia sun ba da sanarwar 'yancin kai daga tsohuwar jamhuriyar gurguzu ta Yugoslavia a watan Yunin 1991, bayan watanni goma da gwamnatin Bosnia-Herzegovina da musulmi ke jagoranta a watan Afrilu. 1992.[9] Kuma wannan ƙabila ɗaya ce mai rauni, kuma haƙiƙa tana da juzu'i, yanayin al'amura gaskiya ne ba ko kaɗan ba game da musabbabin yaƙe-yaƙe na 1998-1999 [10] tsakanin Rundunar 'Yancin Kosovo (KLA) da sojojin Serbia kan makomar Kosovo.[11]
Idan aka ba da shaidar, babu shakka cewa ainihin sakamakon da ake tsammani na "yaƙin ɗan adam" na NATO da Yugoslavia a cikin 1999 ya kasance mai lahani ga 'yancin ɗan adam da jin dadin ɗan adam (sai dai idan an yi la'akari da mutunta 'yancin ɗan adam ta hanyar zaɓin ƙasa). kamar yadda Sabbin 'yan Adam suka saba yi[12]), da kuma mafi yawan manufofin da masu yakin suka yi ikirari. Maimakon haka, yaƙin neman zaɓe na NATO sosai ya kara karfi abin da ya rigaya ya kasance mummunan yakin basasa mai muni, wanda aka kiyasta kimanin mutane 1,800-2,000 sun mutu a kowane bangare (ko da yake yawancin su 'yan kabilar Albaniya) (Dienstbier, 2000a: Par. 42; Chomsky, 2000: 104), amma yakin da ke fama da rikici. An sami rinjaye mafi yawa ta yarjejeniyar da aka rattaba hannu a tsakanin kungiyar kwangilar membobi shida da Belgrade a cikin Oktoba 1998 (ko da yake Jakadan Amurka na Majalisar Dinkin Duniya Richard Holbrooke da Babban Kwamandan Rundunar Tsaro ta NATO Janar Wesley Clark a karkashin barazanar karfi daga Washington[13]) , da haka ya ba da dama ga ’yan gudun hijira 250,000 da suka yi yaƙi a farkon wannan shekarar su koma gidajensu kafin farkon lokacin sanyi na shekara ta 1998-1999. Wannan yanayin kwanciyar hankali ya kasance gaskiya ne a duk lokacin bazara da watannin hunturu har zuwa ƙarshen tsarin Rambouillet (Maris 18, 1999), ficewar OSCE na membobinta na Ofishin Tabbatar da Tabbatar da Kosovo a kan ƙin amincewar Majalisar Sabiya (Maris 20). da kuma farkon yakin NATO (24 ga Maris).[14] Daga 24 ga Maris zuwa 10 ga Yuni na ƙarshen yakin da kuma janyewar sojojin Serbia na karshe daga Kosovo a ranar 20 ga Yuni, watakila an kashe mutane 7,000 ko fiye da kowane bangare, [15] kuma yakin ya haifar da mummunar rikicin 'yan gudun hijira shida. sau mafi muni fiye da rikicin 'yan gudun hijira na 1998, wanda ya tilastawa wasu 'yan kabilar Albaniya 863,000 tserewa daga lardin, tare da wasu 'yan kabilar Serbiyawa 100,000 da sauran 'yan tsiraru, da kuma wasu mutane 590,000 da suka yi gudun hijira a cikin gida, dangane da haɗuwa da tsoro, yankunan da ke da rikici a yankunan KLA. da tilasta korar da sojojin Serbian suka yi (OSCE, 1999a: "Tsarin Korar"). A cikin kalaman mai sa ido na OSCE na Kanada a Kosovo, Rollie Keith, yakin NATO "ya mayar da rikicin kare hakkin bil'adama zuwa wani bala'i" (Keith, 1999), tare da wakilin Majalisar Dinkin Duniya na musamman kan kare hakkin bil'adama a Kosovo, Jiri Dienstbier, ya kara da cewa yakin. "bai magance kowace matsala ta ɗan adam ba, amma kawai ya ninka matsalolin da ke akwai" (Dienstbier, 2000d). A ƙarshe, lalata da ke da alaƙa da yaƙi da lalacewar muhalli a cikin Sabiya (Kosovo ta haɗa) na iya zama marar ƙididdigewa amma babu shakka yana da girma, tare da babban tasiri na dogon lokaci ga duk ƙasashen yankin.[16]
Amma mafi mahimmanci ga ɗaliban ikon Amurka da akida da kuma shigar da sabbin 'yan Adam a cikin hidimar daular, an kuma rubuta cewa ikon NATO, musamman Amurka, sun rubuta kuma sun ƙarfafa ta'addanci na KLA tun kafin. horar da bama-bamai da tallafi (Walker and Laverty, 2000; Beaumont et al., 2001). Don haka ko da yake yarjejeniyar Oktoban 1998 tsakanin dakarun NATO da Belgrade ta yi kira ga sojojin Yugoslavia su janye, KLA kuma ta rushe, KLA ba ta kasance cikin yarjejeniyar ba kuma a gaskiya ma ba ta rushe ba, ta hanyar amfani da janyewar Yugoslavia. Dakaru daga yankunan da ake fama da rikici zuwa sake mamaye yankunan da ta yi hasarar a Kosovo (an kiyasta cewa KLA ta mallaki kusan kashi 40 cikin 1998 na yankunan lardin a shekarar 1998) da kuma kai hare-hare akai-akai kan 'yan tawayen. jami'an tsaro da fararen hula. Wannan rubutun na “’yan ta’adda” (Kimanin Wakilin Amurka na musamman Robert Gelbard kan KLA a watan Fabrairun 1999) da kuma gazawa wajen dakile tsokanar KLA ya sanya ayar tambaya kan damuwar NATO kan take hakkin dan Adam da sojojin Yugoslavia ke yi kan ‘yan kabilar Albaniya a Kosovo. Akasin haka, kamar yadda George Kenney ya ba da rahoto, wani jami’in Amurka da ba a bayyana sunansa ba ya gaya masa cewa a duk tsawon tsarin Rambouillet, Washington “da gangan ta sanya shinge fiye da Sabiyawan za su yarda da shi. Sabiyawan sun buƙaci, a cewar jami'in, ɗan ƙaramin bama-bamai don ganin dalili, ”in ji Kenney, duk waɗannan suna nuna ƙudurin NATO don zaɓar yaƙi maimakon zaman lafiya (Kenney, XNUMX).
Haƙiƙanin illolin da yaƙin ya haifar kuma yana nuni da wani ajandar da ba ta haƙƙin ɗan adam ba. Na farko, ba za a iya musun cewa kusan dukan rikicin 'yan gudun hijirar na 1999 an haifar da shi ba a lokacin yakin bama-bamai, maimakon kafin shi. Bugu da ƙari, ko da yake Shugaba Clinton ya ce a lokacin cewa manufar farko na yakin shine kawo "kwanciyar hankali" a yankin da kuma kawo karshen "tsabtawar kabilanci" na Albaniyawan Kosovo ta Serbia, ta haka ne ya ba da damar 'yan gudun hijirar (kashi maras dacewa). Sabiyawan kabilanci ne, yana da kyau a lura[17]) su koma gidajensu, kuma duk mutanen da ke Kosovo su zauna tare cikin jituwa bisa "ka'idar kabilanci, juriya, dimokiradiyya mai hadewa" da "a kan ra'ayin". wannan jiha dole ne ta kasance bisa kabilanci” (Clinton, 1999b), a haƙiƙa, yaƙin ba wai ya hura wuta ba ne kawai, yana dawwama, ƙiyayyar ƙabilanci da ƙa'idar kabilanci ɗaya (ko wata ƙungiya ta siyasa da aka ƙirƙira bisa ra'ayin Turawa na wariyar launin fata na gargajiya na gargajiya. kasa-kasa (Hayden, 1992; Hayden, 1999; Hayden, 1999b)).[18]. Wadannan bala'o'in da ba dole ba sai sun biyo bayan pogrom na baya-bayan da kabilanci da 'yan KLA suka yi, inda suka kashe adadi mai yawa na kananan kabilun lardin (fiye da dubu) tare da haifar da tashin kiyasin 330,000 na kabilun Albaniya (Dienstbier, 2000a: Par. 43; Dienstbier, 2000b). Wannan tsarkakewar bayan yakin da kuma jirgin 'yan tsiraru ya faru ne a karkashin mulkin NATO, amma ya saba wa burin Clinton da NATO da kuma alkawarin da Majalisar Dinkin Duniya da NATO suka yi a karshen harin bam, a karkashin Majalisar Dinkin Duniya Resolution 1244, don kawar da sojojin. KLA kuma don kare tsiraru (S/RES/1244, 1999). Wannan tsaftar kabilanci da kungiyar tsaro ta NATO ke yi na lardin ya kasance mafi girman gaske kuma mai yawa fiye da duk wani abu da Sabiyawan suka yi a Kosovo kafin ranar 24 ga Maris, 1999 don tabbatar da yakin NATO na yakin, a cikin abin da Jan Oberg, darektan Gidauniyar Transnational Foundation ta Sweden don Peace and Future Research, ya kira "mafi girman tsarkakewar kabilanci a cikin Balkans [a cikin sharuddan kashi]" (Oberg, 2000).
A yau, lardin Kosovo ya zama wani nau'i na musamman na marasa zaman kansu masu zaman kansu a cikin sauye-sauye zuwa makomar da ba a sani ba amma maras tabbas: Tsoro, rashin bin doka, tare da babban matakin rikici tsakanin kabilanci, kuma - a kan samfurin Bosnia. Herzegovina - a de a zahiri shine mulkin mallaka da wasu kasashen waje (NATO, Tarayyar Turai, da kungiyoyi masu zaman kansu da yawa) ke gudanarwa da sunan "dimokuradiyya" ko "dimokuradiyya ba tare da izini ba," a cikin maganar Robert M. Hayden, "jihar mai yawan kabilanci" a cikinta. - Jiha da ta cika da "zabukan zaɓe" wanda ya shafi rashi na ƙananan hukumomi ko cibiyoyin dimokiradiyya na gaske, kuma waɗanda ake zargin cibiyoyin kabilanci da yawa sun wanzu "a kan takarda" kawai amma wanda ainihin ƙabilunsa ke raguwa a hankali saboda jirgin na son rai. da kuma tsarkake kabilanci, kamar yadda David Chandler ya lura a cikin rahotonsa kan zaben lardin Nuwamba 17, 2001 (Hayden, 1998; Chandler, 2001).
A ƙarshe, ta hanyar tallafawa da samar da tushen gida don-ko ta riƙewa-KLA, NATO ta ƙyale Kosovo ta zama tushe ga sauran ƙungiyoyin KLA don kaddamar da mummunan tashin hankali a cikin Macedonia da kudancin Serbia, tare da wasu yankuna da ke da 'yan tsirarun Albania watakila su bi.
A takaice dai, tsayawa kan hujjojin da sakamakon yakin na NATO ya bayar yana ba da goyon baya mai yawa ga yanke shawarar cewa, daga gaskiya. agaji A hangen zaman gaba, yakin ya kasance bala'i, wanda ya yi sanadiyar mutuwar mutane a Kosovo kuma yana ci gaba da yin barna a yankin. “Idan ƙiyayyar ƙabilanci ta yi nasara [a Kosovo],” in ji OSCE a ƙarshen 1999, “to, duk abin da mutanen kirki za su yi a nan da abokansu a cikin al’ummar duniya suka yi kokawa a cikin shekaru goma da suka shige da ya zama banza. Ba za mu ƙyale hakan ta faru ba” (OSCE, 1999b). Amma a fage, za a iya taƙaita sakamakon da tsoma bakin soja da NATO ta yi da kuma mamaye Kosovo ba tare da izini ba, za a iya taƙaita shi da kalmomi guda takwas: Nasarar kiyayyar kabilanci da wariyar launin fata-a cikin mafi girman al'adar Turai. Domin Sabbin Masu Ba da Agajin Gaggawa su riƙe samfurin Kosovo a matsayin misali na ba da agajin jin kai abin kunya ne haƙiƙa, kuma mun yi imanin cewa ba ya wakiltar wani abu face ɓarna, har ma da sabani, na gaskiya ɗan adam.
Sashe na 2: Sabbin Masu Agajin Gaggawa ga Shingayen
Duk da nadama, kuma har yanzu bai cika ba, rikodin yakin NATO a kan Kosovo, duk da New Humanitarians '' daidai da rikodin rikodi game da duk yaƙe-yaƙe a cikin tsohuwar Yugoslavia, kuma duk da kyamar gargajiya na masu fafutukar kare haƙƙin ɗan adam da Hagu gabaɗaya ga yaki a matsayin zabin siyasa, amma musamman yakin da manyan kasashe ke yi da kasashe masu rauni ko kuma wadanda ba na gwamnati ba, daya daga cikin abubuwan da suka fi daukar hankali a yakin NATO na 1999 shi ne goyon bayan da masana, jami'an kare hakkin bil'adama, masu fasaha da marubuta suka ba shi. lauyoyi da masana shari'a, da kuma "babban aikin jarida" (duba babi na Philip Hammond), da dama daga cikinsu sun gabatar da kansu a matsayin "a Hagu," amma duk da haka sun yarda da da'awar jami'ar NATO cewa babban makasudin yakin duka biyu ne na jin kai a niyya kuma ya wajabta ta wani gagarumin rikicin bil adama ko dai yana gudana ko kuma a halin yanzu.[19] Tabbas, shirye-shiryensu ne don ɗaukar wannan tsalle-tsalle na bangaskiya cikin tallafawa yaƙin NATO wanda ya ba su damar isa ga kafofin watsa labarai na yau da kullun, a cikin wani nau'in iko / ƙarfin zamantakewa ba kamar wanda aka bayyana a sama ba, wanda ke ɗaukar gefen dama a cikin da aka ba da rikici (watau na Manyan Mahukunta) da kuma sukar maƙiyan da suka dace (watau duk wanda Manyan Mahukunta ke son kai wa hari) yana da alaƙa daidai da samun damar kafofin watsa labarai, martaba, ci gaban sana'a, abubuwan kuɗi, gami da kudade daga manyan ƙungiyoyi masu zaman kansu. , har ma da wani nau'i na biki na wasu taurari, wasu daga cikinsu waɗanda muke hulɗa da su a ƙasa. Tare da samun damar kafofin watsa labaru, duka cikin sharuddan layi da amfani da su azaman tushe, sun cika tare da ƙarfafa saƙon majiyoyin hukuma da kuma sauran ra'ayoyin kafofin watsa labaru waɗanda ke haifar da, gaba ɗaya, babban tushe mai fa'ida, zane mai tallafawa yaƙi na dama- tunanin tunani da hotuna. A takaice dai, mun yi imani da cewa karfin iko/fasahar zamantakewa da aka bayyana a nan, tsarin iko da akida (watau fadin abin da Manyan Mahukunta ke bukatar a fadi a kowane lokaci) da kuma ladan da aka amince da jama'a da ke biyo baya (watau haɓaka daraja, samun damar watsa labarai, da makamantansu), suna yin gaba da haɓaka waɗancan masu sharhi waɗanda aikinsu ke aiki ga manyan muradun siyasa da abin duniya waɗanda ba sa maraba ga hukumomin tsara manufofi, maimakon ga inganci ko daidaiton aikinsu.
Siffofin Ma'anar Sabbin 'Yan Adam sune (1) cewa su ƙwararru ne wajen ɗaukar bangarorin "daidai" a cikin rikice-rikice, wanda "daidaicin" sau da yawa ba a bayyana su ba, kodayake duk da haka an nuna shi a fili, ƙayyadaddun ƙayyadaddun ƙayyadaddun ƙayyadaddun ƙayyadaddun ƙayyadaddun ƙayyadaddun ƙayyadaddun ƙayyadaddun ƙayyadaddun ƙayyadaddun ƙayyadaddun ƙayyadaddun ƙa'idodi ne. Amurka da/ko manufofin NATO; (2) cewa sun ƙi, har ma da bijirewa, ƙa'idodin jin kai na gargajiya na tsattsauran ra'ayi, rashin son kai, 'yancin kai, rashin tashin hankali, da ba da kulawa; da (3) cewa sun yi imani da cewa akwai ga Manyan Mahukunta (ko zaɓi "haɗin kai na son rai," amma wani haƙƙin da ba zai taɓa kaiwa ga Maƙiyan Hukuma ko Ƙaramar Ƙarfi ba) haƙƙi na ɗan adam ko ma wajibi ne don shiga tsakani ta hanyar. tashe-tashen hankula na kasa don kawo karshen cin zarafin bil'adama wanda ya samo asali ne, idan ba na musamman ba, bisa niyyar Amurka ko NATO na kaddamar da yaki da sunan daukar fansa akan laifukan dan Adam. A cikin ma'auni na wannan sashe za mu tattauna, a taƙaice, su wanene wasu daga cikin waɗannan Sabbin Masu Taimako, menene ainihin alkawuransu, da alaƙarsu da sauran hanyoyin tasiri. Sa'an nan kuma a cikin Sashe na 3, za mu yi bayani dalla-dalla game da imaninsu da nazarin abubuwan da suka faru a tsohuwar Yugoslavia da kuma wasu rikice-rikicen jin kai da suka yi watsi da su.
Daga cikin Sabbin 'Yan Adam, da kuma tsarin da za mu yi nazari sosai a nan, akwai marubutan ilimi Timothy Garton Ash da Mary Kaldor, jiga-jigan siyasa irin su Vaclav Havel da Bernard Kouchner, taurarin kare hakkin bil'adama irin su Kenneth Roth da Aryeh Neier, masu fasaha da kuma masu fasaha. marubuta irin su Susan Sontag, lauyoyi irin su Geoffrey Robertson, da ‘yan jarida irin su Christopher Hitchens, Tim Juda, David Rieff, da Michael Ignatieff. Amma akwai wasu Sabbin Jama'a da yawa da suka cancanci ambato, ciki har da (a tsakanin yawancin wasu) M. Cherif Bassiouni, [20] Antonio Cassese, Ivo Daalder, Bogdan Denitch, Richard Falk, Richard Goldstone, Philip Gourevitch, Roy Gutman, Michael Glennon, Jurgen Habermas, David Held, Louis Henkin, Paul Hockenos, Stanley Hoffmann, Bernard-Henri Levy, Andrew Linklater, James Mayall, Martha Minow, Michael O'Hanlon, Diana Orentlicher, Steven Ratner, David Rohde, [21] William Shawcross, Brian Urquahart, Ruth Wedgwood, Marc Weller, Nicholas J. Wheeler, da Ian Williams. Daga cikin mutane 40 da aka jera a nan (kuma jerin za a iya faɗaɗawa sosai), Havel marubuci ne, jagorar ilimi da siyasa; aƙalla takwas sun yi aiki ga gwamnatoci ko ƙungiyoyin da ke da alaƙa da NATO da ke da alaƙa da manufofin zuwa tsohuwar Yugoslavia (Cassese, Goldstone, Daalder, Havel, Hockenos, Kouchner, O'Hanlon, Urquhart); uku sun kasance ko kuma suna da manyan alaƙa da ƙungiyoyin kare haƙƙin ɗan adam (Kouchner, Neier da Roth); 10 'yan jarida ne (Gourevitch, Gutman, Hockenos, Hitchens, Ignatieff, Juda, Rieff, Rohde, Shawcross, Williams); 20 malamai ne (Bassiouni, Garton Ash, Denitch, Falk, Glennon, Habermas, Held, Henkin, Hoffmann, Ignatieff, Kaldor, Levy, Linklater, Mayall, Minow, Orentlicher, Ratner, Wedgwood, Weller, da Wheeler); biyar daga cikin malaman malaman farfesa ne na shari'a (Falk, Henkin, Bassiouni, Orentlicher, Ratner); daya, Robertson, lauya ne; Cassese tsohon shugaban kotun hukunta manyan laifuka ta kasa da kasa na tsohuwar Yugoslavia kuma yanzu yana daya daga cikin alkalan kotun; kuma Sontag ya fi ko žasa ƙwararren haziki, mai fasaha da marubuci.[22]
A lokacin rikicin Bosnia kuma, daga baya, rikicin Kosovo kuma, Sabbin Masu Ba da Agaji a bayyane kuma suna sha'awar "zaɓar bangarorin," mafi yawansu suna shiga cikin fafatawar a lokacin yaƙin Bosnia a farkon 1990s kuma nan da nan suka jingina kansu ga ƙasa. - sun bindige musulmin Bosnia, sannan suka shiga yakin basasa da sojojin Croat na Bosnia musamman sojojin Sabiyawan Bosnia. David Rieff na daya daga cikin wadanda aka amince da shi "Dalilin Bosnia," kuma game da Kosovo ba wai kawai "a cikin goyon bayan karin bam ba ne," amma ya tabbatar da cewa "Zan kasance a cikin motar jagora" a cikin yakin basasa "(Rieff, 1999c) . Rieff yana nufin abokin aikinsa Michael Ignatieff a matsayin wanda ya yi "kamfen don tayar da bam" kuma ya yi aiki a matsayin "mai ba da shawara" don manufar tashin hankali mai girma a kan Sabiyawan Bosnia (Rieff, 2000b). Gaskiya ne, New Humanitarians sun soki NATO sau da yawa, amma kusan ko da yaushe saboda zargin "rashin kasa" na NATO don matsawa abokan gaba tare da isassun tashin hankali da ta'addanci, don nuna ƙiyayya da yawa, da kuma "nasarar rashin son rai" (Ignatieff). , 2000b; Gow, 1997). Wannan al'ada ta iyakance rashin amincewarsu ga jigogi masu kunkuntar da ke ba da shawarar yin amfani da manyan matakan tashin hankali na Babban Power ya ba aikin su auran ƙarya na 'yancin kai daga ikon siyasa kuma ya ci nasara a gare su wani matsayi na ƙarya (ko, a sanya shi wani). hanya: wannan matsayi na ɗabi'a, tsabar kuɗin da ake biyan su kuɗi mai yawa, yana ɗaya daga cikin ladan da aka amince da su a cikin al'umma don samun ƙarfin hali don ɗaukar gefen dama), amma bangarorin da suka zaba sun yi daidai da wadanda aka gyara a kan su. da shugabannin siyasa na NATO. Don haka, a duk lokacin aikinsu, ko a matsayin masu gudanarwa, masu ba da rahoto, ƙwararrun majiyoyin ƙwararru, masana ilimin shari'a, da makamantansu, Sabbin 'Yan Agaji sun yi aiki tare a matsayin masu taya murna ga Manyan Mahukunta, suna ƙarfafa ƙungiyar su (
ZNetwork ana samun kuɗi ta hanyar karimcin masu karatun sa.
Bada Tallafi