Manyan dauloli na zamani ba su taɓa kasancewa tare da ikon soja kawai ba amma ta hanyar abin da ke kunna ikon, ya sanya shi a yi amfani da shi sannan kuma ya ƙarfafa shi da ayyukan yau da kullun na mallake, yanke hukunci, da iko. Biritaniya ta yi mulkin manyan yankuna na Indiya tare da jami'an mulkin mallaka dubu kaɗan kawai da wasu 'yan ƙarin sojoji dubu, yawancinsu Indiyawa. Haka Faransa ta yi a Arewacin Afirka da Indochina, Dutch a Indonesia, Portuguese da Belgium a Afirka. Babban abin da ke da muhimmanci shi ne mahangar daular mulkin mallaka, wato hanyar kallon wata hakika ta waje mai nisa ta hanyar karkata shi zuwa ga kallo, gina tarihinsa daga mahangarsa, kallon al'ummarta a matsayin batutuwa wadanda ba za su yanke hukunci ba sai ta meye. masu gudanarwa na nesa suna tunanin shine mafi kyau a gare su. Daga irin waɗannan ra'ayoyin na gangan ra'ayoyi na ainihi suna tasowa, gami da ka'idar cewa mulkin mallaka abu ne mai kyau kuma wajibi ne. A cikin ɗaya daga cikin mafi fahimi da aka taɓa yi game da manne na ra'ayi da ke haɗa masarautu tare, wani ɗan littafin ɗan littafin Anglo-Polish mai ban mamaki Joseph Conrad ya rubuta cewa "mamaye duniya, wanda galibi yana nufin kawar da ita daga waɗanda suke da wani launi daban-daban ko hancin da ya fi kanmu, ba abu ne mai kyau ba idan kun yi la'akari da shi da yawa. Abin da ya fanshi shi shine ra'ayin kawai. Tunani a bayansa; ba wai son rai ba amma ra'ayi; kuma mai rashin son kai ya yi imani da ra'ayin - wani abu da za ku iya kafawa, ku yi ruku'u a gabanin, kuma ku miƙa hadaya ga.
Na ɗan lokaci wannan ya yi aiki, kamar yadda yawancin shugabannin mulkin mallaka suka yi tunanin kuskuren cewa haɗin kai da ikon mulkin mallaka ita ce hanya ɗaya kawai. To amma tun da yake yaren da ke tsakanin mahangar daular da na cikin gida ba makawa ce ta gaba da kuma dawwama, a wani lokaci kuma rikici tsakanin masu mulki da masu mulki ya zama abin da ba za a iya karewa ba ya barke zuwa yakin mulkin mallaka baki daya, kamar yadda ya faru a kasashen Aljeriya da Indiya.
Har yanzu muna da nisa daga wannan lokacin a mulkin Amurka a kan Larabawa da Musulmi. Aƙalla tun lokacin yakin duniya na biyu na dabarun dabarun Amurka an sami tsaro (kuma a koyaushe a kula da shi sosai) isar da isassun albarkatun mai mai yawa da kuma, na biyu, don ba da garantin farashi mai yawa da ƙarfi da ikon yanki na Isra'ila akan kowane ɗayansa. makwabta.
Kowace daula, ciki har da na Amurka, a kai a kai tana gaya wa kanta da duniya cewa ba ta bambanta da sauran dauloli ba, kuma tana da manufa ba kwata-kwata da iko ba, amma ta ilmantar da 'yantar da al'ummarta da kuma sanya ta tana mulki kai tsaye ko a fakaice. Amma duk da haka waɗannan ra'ayoyin ba a raba su daga mutanen da ke zaune a wurin, waɗanda ra'ayoyinsu a lokuta da yawa sun bambanta kai tsaye. Duk da haka, wannan bai hana dukkanin bayanai na Amurka, manufofi, da yanke shawara game da Larabawa/Musulunci ba, sanya ra'ayoyinsu ba kawai ga Larabawa da Musulmai ba, amma ga Amurkawa, waɗanda tushen bayanan Larabawa da Musulunci suke. bala'i, hakika, abin takaici, rashin isa.
Diflomasiyyar Amurka ta samu rauni na dindindin sakamakon wani hari da aka kai da cibiyar harabar Isra'ila kan abin da ake kira Larabawa. Daga cikin sojojin Amurka 150,000 da ke Iraki a yau, da kyar wasu kalilan ne suka san Larabci. David Ignatius ya yi wannan batu ne a cikin wani kyakkyawan shiri a ranar 14 ga watan Yuli mai taken "Washington tana biyan bashinta na rashin Larabawa", (http://www.dailystar.com.lb/opinion/14_07_03_b.asp) wanda a ciki ya nakalto Francis Fukuyama. yana mai cewa matsalar ita ce "Larabawa ba wai kawai sun dauki matakin Larabawa ba, har ma da dabi'un Larabawa na rudi."
A cikin wannan ƙasa ilimin Larabci, da kuma wasu jin daɗin sanin al'adun Larabawa da yawa, an sanya su zama barazana ga Isra'ila. Kafofin watsa labaru suna gudanar da mummunan ra'ayi na wariyar launin fata game da Larabawa (duba misali wani yanki na Hitler na Cynthia Ozick a cikin Wall Street Journal a ranar 30 ga Yuni inda ta yi magana game da Falasdinawa kamar yadda "sun yi amfani da karfi na rayuwa, cultism ya tashi zuwa mummunar ruhaniya", kalmomi. wanda zai kasance gaba ɗaya a wurin a taron Nuremberg).
Yawancin al'ummar Amurkawa sun fara kallon duniyar Larabawa a matsayin wuri mai hatsari, inda ta'addanci da tsattsauran ra'ayi na addini suka haifar, kuma inda wasu malamai masu mugun nufi suka shigar da matasa masu kiyayya da dimokuradiyya. anti-Semitic. Ana fassara jahilci kai tsaye zuwa ilimi a irin waɗannan lokuta. Abin da ba a ko da yaushe ake lura da shi shi ne, lokacin da shugaba ya fito wanda "mu" muke so - misali Shah na Iran ko Anwar El-Sadat - Amurkawa suna ɗauka cewa shi jarumi ne mai hangen nesa wanda ya yi abubuwa don "mu" ko "namu" hanya, ba don ya fahimci wasan ikon sarauta ba, wanda shine ya tsira ta wurin izgili da masu mulki, amma domin ƙa’idodin da muke tarayya da su sun motsa shi. Kusan kwata karni da kashe shi, Anwar El-Sadat, ba wani karin gishiri ba ne a ce mutum ne wanda aka manta da shi kuma ba shi da farin jini domin galibin Masarawa suna daukarsa a matsayin wanda ya fara yi wa Amurka hidima ba kasar Masar ba. Haka lamarin yake game da Shah. Karɓar ra'ayoyin sarauta na haifar da ƙarin ɓarna a cikin al'ummar Gabas ta Tsakiya wanda ke tsawaita wahala da haifar da matsanancin tsayin daka da tabbatar da kai na siyasa.
Wannan lamari dai ya shafi Falasdinawan, wadanda a yanzu ake ganin sun yi gyara ne ta hanyar kyale Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) maimakon Arafat da ya zage damtse a matsayin shugabansu. Amma wannan batu ne na fassarar daular, ba na ainihin gaskiya ba. Isra'ila da Amurka dai na kallon Arafat a matsayin wanda ya tsaya kan hanyar kafa matsugunin da aka kakaba wa Falasdinawa wanda zai shafe duk wani ikirarin da suka yi a baya, kuma hakan zai wakilci nasarar da Isra'ila ta samu na karshe a kan abin da wasu 'yan Isra'ila suka kira "zunubi na asali", wanda ya kamata a yi. ya lalata al'ummar Palasdinu a shekara ta 1948 tare da korar al'ummar Palasdinawa, wadanda ba su da kasa ko kuma a karkashin mamaya, har zuwa yau. Kar ka manta Arafat, wanda na shafe shekaru da shekaru ina suka a kafafen yada labarai na Larabci da na Yamma, har yanzu ana daukarsa a matsayin shugaban Palasdinawa saboda an zabe shi bisa doka a 1996 kuma saboda ya samu halaccin da babu wata hanyar da Falasdinawa ke bi, ko kadan. na dukkan Abu Mazen, ma'aikacin ofishin kuma mai dadewa a karkashin Arafat wanda ba shi da wani goyon bayan jama'a ko kadan.
Haka kuma, a halin yanzu akwai 'yan adawar Palasdinawa masu zaman kansu da hadin kai (Independent National Initiative) ga mulkin Arafat da masu kishin Islama, amma hakan bai kula ba saboda Amurkawa da Isra'ilawa suna fatan samun mai shiga tsakani mai biyayya wanda ba shi da wani matsayi da zai ba mu matsala. . Dangane da ko kowane irin wannan tsari zai iya aiki, ana barin wannan zuwa wata rana. Wannan ita ce gajeriyar hangen nesa, hakika makanta da girman kai, na kallon daular. Ana maimaita irin wannan tsari a ra'ayin Amurka game da Iraki, Saudiyya, Masar da sauran su. Matsalolin da wadannan ra’ayoyi suke da shi, shi ne rashin cancanta da akida; suna ba wa Amurkawa ra'ayi game da Larabawa da Musulmai, sai dai da yadda suke son Larabawa da Musulmai su kasance. Ga wata ƙasa mai girma da arziƙi mai girma ta samar da nau'in rashin kulawa, rashin shiri da rashin cancantar mamayar Iraqi da ke faruwa a yau, abin takaici ne, bisa dalilai na hankali, da kuma yadda ma'aikaci mai matsakaicin hankali kamar Paul Wolfowitz zai iya tafiyar da manufofin. irin wannan babban rashin iya aiki da kuma, a lokaci guda, shawo kan mutane cewa ya san abin da yake yi, yana ruɗa hankali.
Ƙarƙashin wannan hangen nesa na masarauta shi ne ra'ayin 'yan Gabas mai daɗaɗɗen ra'ayi wanda ba zai ƙyale Larabawa a matsayinsu na al'umma su yi amfani da haƙƙinsu na 'yancin kai na ƙasa ba. Ana tunanin su a matsayin daban-daban, ba su iya tunani, ba za su iya faɗi gaskiya ba, masu tayar da hankali da kisan kai. Tun lokacin da Napoleon ya mamaye Masar a cikin 1798, an sami kasancewar daular ba tare da katsewa ba dangane da waɗannan wuraren a cikin ƙasashen Larabawa, wanda ke haifar da bala'i marar iyaka - kuma wasu fa'idodin gaskiya ne - ga yawancin mutane. To amma mun saba mun zama masu ba da shawara ga Amurka irin su Bernard Lewis da Fouad Ajami, wadanda suka yi wa Larabawa dafinsu ta kowace hanya, ta yadda ko ta yaya muke tunanin cewa abin da muke yi shi ne daidai domin haka Larabawa ke nan. su ne. Wannan yana faruwa kuma ya zama akidar Isra'ila da 'yan ta'addar da ke tsakiyar gwamnatin Bush suka raba ba tare da zargi ba. Don haka muna cikin ƙarin shekaru masu yawa na tashin hankali da wahala a wani yanki na duniya inda babbar matsalar ita ce, a bayyana shi a sarari yadda zai yiwu, ikon Amurka. Amma a wane farashi, kuma zuwa wane karshen?
Edward Said farfesa ne a fannin adabi a jami'ar Columbia. Littafinsa Orientalism (1979) ya kawo sauyi a fagen adabi. Ya yi rubuce-rubuce masu yawa a kan Gabas ta Tsakiya, kuma ana iya samun rubuce-rubucensa a cikin wallafe-wallafe da dama kamar su Mujallar Z, The Nation, Progressive, In These Times, Counterpunch, Al Ahram da sauransu.
Karin labarai na Edward Said akan Mideast
ZNetwork ana samun kuɗi ta hanyar karimcin masu karatun sa.
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