Tashe-tashen hankulan abinci da zanga-zangar sun fi kamari a Haiti. Ana sa ran cewa Haiti, wacce ta dade tana kokawa don gujewa mulkin danniya na kasashen waje, kuma a yau tana fafutukar karkashin umarnin Majalisar Dinkin Duniya wanda ake kashe fararen hula akai-akai, ya kamata ya fuskanci mafi munin matsalar karancin abinci - wani mawuyacin hali, haka ma. , a fili ya haifar da kasuwanni ba kawai ta hanyar karancin ba. (Ba zato ba tsammani, gwargwadon abin da rashin girbi ya kasance dalili, waɗannan ba za a iya fitar da su daga matsalolin da ke ta'azzara na 'sauyin yanayi' ba.)
A cikin tsattsauran ra'ayin wariyar launin fata na kafofin watsa labarai lokacin da ya zo Haiti, an burge ni da lucidity da ikon littafin kwanan nan na Peter Hallward, Damming the Flood: Haiti, Aristide, da Siyasar Containment. Ya yi fice a matsayin mafi kyawun labarin siyasar Haiti wanda ya zuwa yanzu aka samar, kuma tabbas zai zama al'ada da mahimmin bayani. Idan ya zama abin ƙyama ga sukar Aristide a matsayin mai siyar da mulkin wanda mulkinsa ya zama bala'i kuma mai mulkin kama karya, wannan ɓacin rai yana nufin sukar hagu da na hannun dama na al'ada. Zan iya tunanin littafin maƙiya na Alex Dupuy, Annabi da Ƙarfi, wanda - yayin da ba ya ɓoye abin da gwamnatin Bush ta yi wa Haiti a 2004 - ya ci gaba da cewa Aristide ya kasance mai siyar bayan 1994, bayan ya koma ga tsarin mulkin da ya yi. An taba yin Allah wadai tare da kafa Fanmi Lavalas a matsayin rarrabuwar kawuna daga babbar kungiyar Siyasa Lavalas, kuma yana ba da makamai masu goyon bayan Lavalas don kashe abokan hamayya. Ba Dupuy kawai ba - yawancin tsoffin magoya bayan sun yi imanin cewa ya sake yin salon kansa a cikin ƙirar Ton Ton Macoutes. Hallward yayi kyakkyawan aiki na kare Lavalas da Aristide, da kuma bayyana hanyoyin da Amurka ta yi ta murkushe fitacciyar dimokradiyyar Haiti. (A gaskiya ma, ana iya karanta littafin Dupuy na Hallward a nan).
Hujjar Hallward, ta dogara ne akan ɗimbin bayanai, takardu da hirarraki, kusan kamar haka (yana biye a ɗan lokaci kuma - ƙila ku ma manta wannan post ɗin ku sayi littafin mai zubar da jini). Lavalas kamar yadda ya fito a cikin 1980s wani yunkuri ne na wani lokaci da ba a taba ganin irinsa ba, karkashin jagorancin wani mutum da manyan mutane suka tsana a matsayin hadewar Castro da Khomeini, masanin tauhidin 'yanci Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Hallward ya bayyana takamaiman yanayin tauhidin Aristide: "Wannan Aristide ya fi son tabbatar da wannan ka'ida [daidaitacce] a farkon ka'idodin tauhidi alama ce ta ingancinsa mara sharadi, ba na dogaro da kowane irin yanayi na allahntaka ba. Abin da ya kira 'Allah' kawai suna ne don sadaukar da kai ga daidaito da adalci, 'Babu wani karfi da ya fi 'yan adam' da 'Babu wani Almasihu sai mutane'." Wani babban mawuyacin hali ne ga fitattun fitattun mutane da Amurka ta noma a lokacin mamayar ta daga 1915-1934 a lokacin da ta kashe 'yan tawayen Cacos, tare da kashe mutane kusan 30,000, tare da samar da wata ƙasa ta shuka daga ma'aikata na corvée, wanda wasu ƙungiyoyin gwamnati masu tsaurin ra'ayi ke kare su. zuwa Guardia Nacionale da aka kirkira a Nicaragua. Amurka ta goyi bayan wannan fitattun har zuwa yau, ko babban mai magana da yawunta shine Duvalier ko Apaid. Barazanar cin gashin kai na farin jini wanda ya kai ga nasarar da Aristide ya samu a zabukan 1990 ba za a iya amsawa ba ne kawai ta hanyar juyin mulki da kuma tashin hankalin da hukumar leken asiri ta CIA ke marawa baya, wanda ya kashe mutane kusan 5,000.
Aristide ya mayar da martani ga wannan ta'addancin da cewa ba za a iya fuskantar fuskantar wannan ta'addanci da gwagwarmayar makami ba. Ya shirya yin shawarwari kan hanyar komawa mulki tare da Amurka, da yarda da wasu zafafan sharuddan da za a tilasta masa daukar yawancin ajandar abokin hamayyarsa wanda ya sha kaye a zabukan da suka gabata. Masu sukar Aristide sun ce ya yi sulhu da yawa don komawa kan mulki, kuma yadda ya kamata ya zama cikakken sayan ikon Amurka. Hallward ya ci gaba da cewa Aristide ba shi da ɗan zaɓi ta 1994, idan aka ba da ma'auni na iko a Haiti, amma don yanke yarjejeniya da Amurka kuma ya ɗauki matsayi mafi daidaitawa. Haka kuma, kasancewar ya yi hakan ba wani abin al’ajabi ba ne, ganin cewa ‘yan kabilar Ton Ton Macoutes da ke addabar kasar ko da a dai-dai lokacin da ake ci gaba da tattaunawa, wani mataki ne na tsawaita ikon Amurka a kasar. A zahiri, yayin da tashin hankalin FRAPH ya karu, masu sasantawar Amurka ba su ji kunya ba game da tunatar da Aristide cewa sai dai idan ya kasance mai ba da haɗin kai sosai, waɗannan mugayen mutane za su iya zama "mafi rinjaye a ƙasa". (ana iya karanta labarin Aristide na tattaunawar a cikin littafinsa na 1996 Dignity). Wani babban abin mamaki ne a ce Clinton ta sanar a watan Satumba na 1994 - ga babban tashin hankali tsakanin neocons da nutters na John McCain iri-iri - cewa zai aika a cikin jiragen ruwa 20,000 don cire tsarin "mafi zalunci, mafi yawan tashin hankali" a cikin duniya. . Ƙungiyoyin haɗin kai a Amurka ba shakka suna da tasiri sosai da wannan, amma babban dalili shi ne cewa gwamnatin Clinton ta zo da wata hanya ta daban ta samun abin da take so. Don, abin da waɗannan sojojin ruwa suka yi ba shine don kwance damarar sojojin ba, amma don tabbatar da kariya ga sojojin FRAPH da kuma ba da ladabi ga masu kisan kai yayin da aka kwashe manyan shugabannin juyin mulkin zuwa Amurka. Tsofaffin sojoji da dama sun shiga cikin sabuwar rundunar ‘yan sanda ta kasa (PNH) wacce ko ta wane hali ita ce harin kashe-kashe, kuma nan take rundunar ‘yan sandan ta koma dabi’ar tsohon soja. Yayin da aka aiwatar da sauyi, Amurka ta sami damar yin iko da yawa kan sake fasalin jihar, tare da samar da zaɓaɓɓun mashawarta da masu ba da shawara. Wannan zai zama sananne ga waɗanda ke bin irin waɗannan cibiyoyi kamar NED - ƙwarewa na ɓangaren farar hula na mulkin mallaka ya kasance muhimmin sashi na ikon Amurka tun daga 1980s. Ya taimaka juyar da fayyace fassarorin al'amuran wasu zuwa motsa jiki na tsaka-tsaki, mai sauƙin cika nau'in dabarun kamfani. Mafi kyawun jagora na kwanan nan ga wannan dabi'a, kodayake wanda ya ba da fifiko ga tsoffin Shachtmanites, shine Nicolas Guilhot's The Democracy Makers.
Yawancin jiragen ruwa na Amurka sun kasance a Haiti daga 1994 zuwa 1996, yayin da wasu ƙananan adadi suka kasance a baya har zuwa 2000. Kasancewar Amurka da yawa ya ƙarfafa ikonta a kan ƙasar. Amma Amurka ba za ta iya hana Aristide yin abu daya da jama'a suka bukata sama da komai ba, wato rusa sojojin. Duk da haka, neoliberalism yana nufin kiyaye manyan mutane, kuma duk wani yunƙuri na murƙushe ikonsa Amurka ta yi tsayayya da shi, yawanci cikin nasara. Lavalas ya lashe zaɓen 'yan majalisar dokoki na 1995 da ƙarfi, amma babbar ƙungiya a cikin Lavalas Front, the Organization Politique Lavalas ba ta goyi bayan Aristide ba. Jagoran ɗan siyasa Gerard Pierre-Charles, OPL ya nemi daidaitawa da sabon ma'auni. Daya daga cikin jiga-jigan mambobinta a sabuwar majalisar shi ne firaminista Smarck Michel mai ra’ayin mazan jiya da Amurka ta kakaba mata. A sa'i daya kuma, hukumar ta USAID da wata kungiya da ke samun tallafi a birnin Washington mai suna Program Integre pour le Renforcement de la Democratie (PIRED) sun yi wani shiri na ci gaba da samun galaba a kan 'yan kasuwa, inda na baya-bayan nan ke amfani da tasirinsa wajen samun galaba a kan kungiyoyin kwadago da na al'umma. Gidauniyar International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) ta ba da kwangilar USAID don tsara ƙungiyoyin 'yan kasuwa - shugabannin kasuwanci a cikin manyan - don ci gaba da matsin lamba ga gwamnati. Maimakon barin Aristide ya ci gaba da zama Shugaban kasa, OPL ya zaɓi a 1996 don marawa tsohon Firayim Minista René Préval baya, kuma - duk da cewa sun ji takaicin ci gaba da biyayya ga manufofin Aristide - sun sami nasarar siyar da jerin abubuwan amfanin jama'a. . Gudun dama-dama na siyasar OPL ya haifar da samuwar Aristide da abokansa na Famni Lavalas (FL), wata ƙungiya mai tushe da aka tsara don ƙirƙirar haɗin kai tsakanin yawan masu aiki na Haiti da wakilansu. Lokacin da magoya bayan Aristide da yawa suka sami nasara a zaɓen majalisa na 1997, OPL ta ƙi karɓar sakamakon kuma magoya bayanta sun yi murabus daga gwamnati, sun ƙi karɓar duk wani zaɓi daga Préval na Firayim Minista kuma sun toshe doka har sai wa'adin su ya ƙare a cikin Janairu 1999. Daga nan sai suka dauki matakin dage zabe har zuwa watan Mayun shekara ta 2000, wanda ke nufin cewa dole ne Preval ya yi mulki ta hanyar doka na watanni 18 masu zuwa.
Abin da ya faru na gaba ya girgiza OPL (yanzu an sake masa suna Organisation du Peuple en Lutte domin ya nisanta kansa daga tsohuwar gaban Lavalas wanda ya fito) da kuma jiga-jigan kasuwancin Haiti. Aristide ya ci nasara mai mahimmanci tare da goyon bayan wata ƙungiyar siyasa mai ladabi wadda ta fi haɗin kai fiye da saƙon haɗin gwiwar da ta goyi bayansa a 1990. Idan Haiti ta yi amfani da tsarin farko na farko a cikin Birtaniya ko Amurka, " Da Famni Lavalas ya lashe fiye da kashi 95% na kujerun majalisun biyu". Wannan, in ji Hallward, ya sa ƙungiyar Lavalas ta fi barazana fiye da da. 'Yan adawa sun yi kukan cewa gyara ne. Duka jam'iyyun OPL da sabuwar rundunar hadin gwiwa mai goyon bayan Amurka mai suna Convergence Democratique (CD) sun sha alwashin ba za su amince da sakamakon ba. An bi su ne bayan watsi da sakamakon da 'yan siyasar yammacin Turai da ma kafofin watsa labaru irin su Reuters da AP - kafofin watsa labaru masu tsara tsarin, kamar yadda Chomsky ya nuna. Tushen wannan ƙaramin ƙarar fasaha ne na OAS, wanda bai yi jayayya da daidaiton ƙuri'a ko halaccin sakamakon ba. Kungiyar ta OAS ta yi nuni da wata dabara ta kuskure da mai shari'ar zabe mai zaman kanta, CEP ke amfani da shi, wanda ba shi da wakilan Lavalas a kai. A kan haka ne 'yan adawa da Amurka suka yi watsi da sahihancin zababben gwamnati da jama'a suka yi ta yi mata zagon kasa. Amurka ta kakaba takunkumi kan duk wani taimako da kuma toshe rancen raya kasa, da rage kasafin kudin kasa da rabi, sannan ta rage yawan GDP da sama da kashi daya cikin hudu a cikin wannan lokaci. Gwamnatin Clinton ta umurci jakadanta da ya shaida wa sabuwar gwamnati cewa dangantakar ba za ta daidaita ba har sai an warware "matsalolin" da za a yi a zaben. Gwamnatin Bush ta ci gaba da waɗannan manufofin tare da ƙarancin dabara, tana mai dagewa cewa Aristide ba shi da makoma. Hukumar ta USAID da sauran kungiyoyi sun zuba kudi a asusun abokan hamayyar sa, kuma an sanya IFES aiki don hada kan kungiyoyi daban-daban da ke karkashin kungiyoyin kwararru don yin adawa da gwamnati.
Wannan shine inda takaddun Hallward da rahoton ke da mahimmanci. Tatsuniyoyi sun yi yawa game da wannan lokacin, tare da zargin Aristide da kitsa tashin hankali ga abokan hamayya da yanke hukunci ta hanyar doka. Wannan duk da cewa ya yi nasara sosai, ya gayyaci CD ɗin zuwa cikin gwamnati kuma ya gamu da ƙiyayya mara iyaka. CD ɗin ya ƙunshi manyan abokan cinikin Amurka, kuma ƙwararrun PR na Amurka sun karbe shi da sauri don yin ado (Hallward ya lura cewa James Foley, jakadan Amurka a Haiti daga 2003, ya yanke haƙoransa yana gyaran KLA cikin kaya mai daraja' a ƙarshen 1990s) . IFES da IRI sun rungumi Rukunin 184 (G184), wanda ke wakiltar mafi yawan abubuwan da ke tattare da harkar kasuwanci a ƙarƙashin mai shagon Andy Apaid junior. Amma bai isa ya hargitsa gwamnati ta hanyoyin da ba na tashin hankali ba, don haka a ƙarshen shekara ta 2000, ’yan adawa suna ƙoƙarin ɗaukar wasu ƙungiyoyin masu ɗauke da makamai da ke aiki a cikin unguwannin marasa galihu, waɗanda wasunsu sanannu ne masu sauƙi. Ba su sami nasara a wannan harkar ba sai tsakiyar 2003. Tsofaffin sojoji kamar Guy Philippe, mai sha'awar Augusto Pinochet, Amurka ce ta shirya su a ƙarƙashin ƙa'idar Fronte pour la Libération et la Reconstruction Nationale (FLRN). Wannan ƙungiya ce mai kama da Contras a Nicaragua. Sauran shugabannin sun hada da tsoffin mayakan FRAPH na mutuwa da suka hada da Jodel Chamblain da Jean Tatoune. Kungiyar ta FLRN ta shirya ne daga Jamhuriyar Dominican, kuma ta fara kutsawa cikin kasar Haiti a watan Yulin 2001, inda ta kai hari a makarantar horas da 'yan sanda ta kasar Haiti da ofisoshin 'yan sanda daban-daban. Kame-kamen da gwamnati ta yi wa wadanda ake zargi da tayar da kayar baya a baya sun hada da wasu ma’aikatan CD, kuma an yi amfani da su a matsayin hujjar dakatar da tattaunawa tsakanin CD da gwamnati. Sannan a ranar 17 ga Disamba 2001, kwamandos 30 sun mamaye fadar shugaban kasa tare da taimakon 'yan sandan kasar kuma suka sanar da cewa Aristide ba shugaban kasa ba ne. Tashin hankalin al'ummar da ya kawo cikas ga juyin mulkin ya hada da wasu 'yan ofisoshi na jam'iyyun CD da aka kai hari. Don haka abin ya ci gaba, tare da ci gaba da kai hare-hare da tabarbarewar zaman lafiya, kuma duk lokacin da masu tsara manufofin Amurka da IRI suka yi watsi da alakar ta da Guy Philippe da 'yan kungiyarsa masu farin jini. (Philippe da kansa bai taimaka ba don tunawa da 'abokin kirki Stanley Lucas, ɗan dangin Haiti mai arziki da kuma darektan shirin IRI wanda ayyukan tauraro na gaba ya haɗa da shi don tallafawa 'yan adawar Venezuelan). 'Yan adawa da kansu sun yi watsi da rashin amincewarsu a shekara ta 2004, suna mai da'awar Macoutes masu tayar da kayar baya a matsayin "jarumai".
Duk da wannan matsin lamba, gwamnatocin Préval-Aristide sun gudanar da ayyuka masu ban mamaki da yawa - rage mace-macen jarirai daga 125 zuwa 110 a kowace dubun haihuwa; kawo jahilci daga kashi 65% zuwa 45%; rage saurin kamuwa da sabbin cututtukan HIV. Sun yi abin da za su iya don tausasa ɓangarorin ‘gyaran tsarin’, ta hanyar kiyaye tallafi, aiwatar da wasu gyare-gyaren ƙasa, da kuma ƙaddamar da wasu shirye-shiryen zamantakewa. Duk da haka, ba su da ikon aiwatar da gyare-gyare na gurguzu ko ma zamantakewar dimokuradiyya, kuma yawancin mutane sun yi fama da sakamakon neoliberalism. A haƙiƙa, abin da Lavalas zai iya yi shi ne ƙirƙirar yunƙuri na jama'a don ƙoƙarin tursasa manyan mutane don kawo canji, don tsara buƙatun jama'a da ƙoƙarin cika su. Wannan yunkuri ya ƙunshi cibiyar sadarwa ta ƙasa ta ti famnis, ƙungiyoyin tsagerun unguwanni. Saboda shahararsa, duk da haka, kuma saboda tsarinsa na yau da kullun, ya kasance mai saurin kamuwa da kutsawa ta hanyar masu laifi ko abubuwan da suka dace. Manyan 'yan siyasa na Lavalas sukan ƙare da nuna bambanci tare da abokan adawar jam'iyyar fiye da tushenta, kuma sun yi babban aiki don wadatar da kansu da kuma ci gaba da ayyukansu. Cin hanci da rashawa ya bazu ko'ina cikin sassan Lavalas, ba tare da wani abu kamar girman gwamnatocin baya ba, musamman na Duvalier. Bugu da ari, lokacin da nasarar Lavalas ya nuna wahalar shiryawa a waje da shi, yawancin abokan adawar sun yanke shawarar yin adawa da ciki. Aristide ya yi aiki tare da ƴan sanda masu gaba da juna, musamman ma rundunar da ke da alaƙa da fadar shugaban ƙasa wanda - abin mamaki - ya ƙunshi tarin tsoffin sojoji. Chavez na iya yin kira ga amincin jami'an soji a Venezuela; Aristide bai fito daga fagen soja ba kuma ba shi da gogewa a yakin yaƙe-yaƙe. Ya daure da zanga-zangar kira da a yi juyin mulki, ya kyale ‘yan adawa mara kunya su shirya, kuma ya nemi sasantawa a ko’ina: nesa ba kusa ba a matsayin mai mulkin kama-karya, Aristide yana cikin wani yanayi mai rauni sosai. Duk da haka, ƙungiyoyin kare haƙƙin ɗan adam sun yi ƙoƙarin kwatanta shekarun Preval-Aristide a matsayin ci gaba da gwamnatocin baya da na baya dangane da take haƙƙin ɗan adam. Hallward yayi sharhi: “A nan mun kai ga nasarar yaƙin neman zaɓe… Ku tuna ainihin lambobi: wataƙila 50,000 sun mutu a ƙarƙashin Duvaliers (1957-86), wataƙila 700-1,000 sun mutu a ƙarƙashin Namphy/Avril (1986-90), 4,000 sun mutu a ƙarƙashin Cedras (1991-94) sannan aka kashe aƙalla 3,000 a ƙarƙashin Latortue (2004-06) Kuma ƙarƙashin Aristide? Tsakanin mutane goma zuwa talatin da PNH ta kashe "wadanda alakarsu ta siyasa ce ta sabawa gwamnati".
Ko ta yaya, idan aka yi la’akari da irin raunin da gwamnati ke da shi, da kuma karuwar matsalolin da talakawan kasar ke fuskanta, bai kamata Amurka ta fara share fagen juyin mulki da kuma kare hakkin Majalisar Dinkin Duniya ba. A gaskiya ma, kamar yadda Hallward ya nuna, ya ɗauki lokaci mai tsawo kuma ya fi wuya fiye da juyin mulkin da aka yi a 1991 - shaida ga juriyar motsin Lavalas. Ya bukaci babban shiga tsakani, tare da mutane 11,000 a cikin kungiyoyi 1,000 da USAID ta horar a Haiti. Yana buƙatar maimaita kutse da gazawar putsch. Amma watakila mafi ban mamaki duka, yana buƙatar yunƙurin yin nasara kan ƙungiyoyin sa-kai dabam-dabam da ƙungiyoyi masu wuya kamar Batay Ouvriye (BO). Takardun Hallward waɗanda ƙungiyoyi kamar Christian Aid suka yi aikin mulkin mallaka, suna ba da shawarar sigar abubuwan da suka fi so na CD da kuma sigar da suka fi so (kawar da Lavalas a matsayin babban karfi a siyasar Haiti). Hallward ya yi daidai da kudaden da BO ya samu daga NED, da kuma rawar da ya taka wajen cin zarafi ga Aristide duk da cewa burin nasu zai kasance mafi muni ta hanyar kifar da gwamnati (ko da yake yana amfani da kalmar rashin tausayi " neo-Trotskyte" don kwatanta su). Ya nuna cewa watakila sun goyi bayan juyin mulkin, kuma sun gamsu da ganin Aristide ya tafi. Ko yaya dai, bincike da ayyukansu na mazhabobi bai ga sun yi yunkurin dakile juyin mulkin ba ta kowace fuska. An fara juyin mulkin ne da mamayar birnin Raboteau a watan Satumbar 2003, da kuma bullar Sojojin cin naman mutane a matsayin wata kungiyar da ke adawa da gwamnati da ke kai hare-hare kan dakarun gwamnati a wannan shekarar. A watan Fabrairun 2004, ’yan sandan kashe-kashe da gungun masu aikata laifuka da tsofaffin sojoji sun hada kai don tayar da zaune tsaye, kuma ba da dadewa ba suna kan hanyar zuwa Port-au-Prince, watakila ma a can tare da wasu masu goyon bayan fadar shugaban kasa. Tatsuniyoyi da aka maimaita a cikin kafofin watsa labarai - cewa tawaye ne na dimokuradiyya, gwagwarmayar 'yantar da jama'a, ko watakila haɗuwa da tayar da hankali na gaske tare da tayar da laifuka na farko, wanda ko da yaushe ba shi da wani abu da wani iko na waje - an yi amfani da shi sosai. gutsuttsura a cikin Damuwar Ambaliyar. A zahiri dai, a fili yake cewa duk da kokarin da kasa da kasa ke yi na ganin an sasanta tsakanin bangarorin biyu, kuma duk da irin matsalolin da ‘yan tada kayar baya ke fuskanta, a wannan karon ‘yan adawa sun kuduri aniyar durkusar da gwamnati. Kuma da alama mataimakin sakataren harkokin wajen Amurka Roger Noriega ne ya ja kunnen tattaunawar karshe. Har ila yau gwamnatin Chirac ta kosa ta kawar da Aristide da kuma bukatunsa na mayar da kudaden da gwamnatin Faransa ta yi wa baitul malin kasar Haiti bayan juyin juya halin L'Ouverture (domin adadin da Faransawa suka dauka cewa sun yi hasarar sakamakon hambarar da gwamnatin kasar). na bautar), kuma ya maido da dangantakar Faransa da dadewa da manyan Haiti kamar mai goyon bayan G184 Serge Gilles. A ƙarshe, an sace Aristide a ranar 29 ga Satumba 2004. Jakadan Amurka a lokacin, James Foley, ya yi iƙirarin cewa aikin ceto ne, Amurka ta yi baƙin ciki ƙwarai da abin da ke faruwa, kuma don kare rayuwar Aristide da ke cikin hatsari sun tsere da shi zuwa wani wuri mai aminci. An yi iƙirarin cewa ya yi murabus ne bisa radin kansa, tare da nuna rashin amincewa da karɓuwa. Kimanin sa'o'i 36 bayan ya yi murabus, da zarar ya sami waya, ya shaida wa duk wata kafar yada labarai da za ta ji cewa sojojin Amurka ne suka yi garkuwa da shi.
Mun san wasu daga cikin abin da ya faru na gaba, ba shakka: ramuwar gayya na ajin mulkin Haiti. Babban ɗaurin kurkuku da kashe fitattun magoya bayan Aristide. Maido da kisan gillar da aka yankewa hukunci. Gwamnati a karkashin wata kariyar Majalisar Dinkin Duniya da ta kai hare-hare a yankunan da ke goyon bayan Lavalas (ba a ma maganar asibitoci). Takardun Hallward dalla-dalla dalla-dalla na zaluncin gwamnatin Latortue, da kuma kisan gillar da aka yi wa Majalisar Dinkin Duniya da kungiyoyin anti-Lavalas. Koyaya, yana da kyakkyawan fata - kamar yadda Jean-Bertand Aristide yake a cikin ganawar ƙarshe. Juyin mulkin ke da wuya, kuma bai iya jure wa jama'a juyin mulkin da ya haifar da wata gwamnatin Preval ba. Har yanzu gwamnati na kallon tsarin neoliberalism, sojojin Majalisar Dinkin Duniya na ci gaba da aikata ta'asa, amma Lavalas har yanzu wani yunkuri ne na jama'a. Ta'addanci ba zai iya halakar da shi a hanyar da aka lalata Sandinistas ba, koda kuwa matsayin Haiti yana nufin zai dauki nauyin duniya ga hagu don taimakawa wajen girgiza shi ba tare da mulki ba. Sama da shekaru 200 yanzu, gwagwarmayar 'yantar da Haiti da wuya ta nemi wani mai ba da shawara na zamani fiye da Peter Hallward.
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